"Cuba is another, 20 years after" XX Anniversary
Monday, October 25, 2010
I Have Several Bumps On My Stomach Pimples
Text addresses the assumptions that the author thought to address in its abortive intervention in the forum panel last Thursday of the magazine Temas, month passes
Author: Ramón García Guerra. ***
We said in the debate last Thursday (9/30/1910): "Cuba is another, 20 years later. Just ... 'When he awoke the [static] was still there'. " Then I made two points more, and something like a warning that I offered to debate.
emphasize also a founding thesis outlining Juan Triana Cordoví. Since the panel said
before Cuban economist Juan Triana Cordoví a certain conception of development-forged in the decades of 1940/1950- had been held for five decades, this being responsible for the chaos that Cubans are suffering today. In that regard was specific in his claim that Cuban economist, I'm talking about Cuba's dependence. First it was with Spain. After the United States and later with the Soviet Union and now Venezuela. This he said more or less, after I spoke from the audience. It would be like saying I am responsible only to the above, that is.
(It happens that I climbed on the back of the thesis and took up the end. Only that Triana would not be responsible of that corollary debate started.)
Casting light on the road with that thesis of Triana, said that this ideal was the result of populism developmental Cuba (bourgeois) and, moreover, such ideals had slipped beneath the sheets and today were the reason for almost all ills in Cuba. This put me two steps beyond the thesis of Triana. His attitude was let me think twice.
Excursus: Was there against the wall. To intervene because he had only three minutes. Had been waiting for three months from the panel to present my reading of the Cuban in the last two decades. A few hours earlier had received an e-mail to the editors of Threads magazine where I needed the points of interest in the debate. But now was in the audience with just three minutes for me. Trying to say I planned for 20 minutes. [I prefer not to comment today on what happened. This was the amount of sacrifice that we had to pay to defend this area of \u200b\u200bdiscussion in Cuba. After all added merit of our cause for these excesses.] Since then, three minutes is long enough to say some truths.
This article aims to delve into two points that we did intervene in the debate and set out some ideas of critical thought and that he scheduled for discussion from the panel last Thursday.
I
During the analysis of the panelists was described as critical the 1990's. Actually the idea came from the moderator who spoke well of that period all the time. From the panel, offered a disturbing vision of the process Cuban economist José Luis Rodríguez. Defended in this sense, the idea that the Cuban economic model was in excellent health at the end of the decade of 1980, came to be called intelligent handling of the crisis and effectively gave an update of the model at this time. All that said, after placing the pictures they have taken on the Special Period using terms such as: inside and outside, or against, and so on. His attitude understandable considering that he was finance minister during these difficult years. The rest of the panelists rather rhetorically used to the idea of \u200b\u200bcrisis. They even make a difference with this orthodox reading of Rodriguez. Still, this analysis parentheses opened a large reach century.
[We must note that the legitimate reading to understand the special period of two decades (1990/2000) is ours and had been brought to debate by the moderator on this occasion last Thursday.]
would be wrong to speak of a crisis when referring a decade 1990. What could happen in this decade that had not happened before in Cuba? "Amendment to the Constitution? "Black market? "Outdoor Mass Exodus? "Polarization of wealth? ... We could make a difference to other decades or emphasize the uniqueness of this period. But what really was in crisis at that time? The only thing that could possibly justify the use of the term was the location of this decade as the end of the cycle of a certain model of society. Then it would make sense to talk of crisis. This is the thesis defended in the middle of the debate last Thursday. Since then, the less I understand that we consider "special" about a decade that was traumatic for three generations of Cubans, at least. (Only the English language the word has a meaning terrible pleasing to the ears.) Find something special in this period would require us to stretch for two decades the analysis of the Cuban (1989/2012).
suggest some periodization of the process:
distinguish four stages of the special period: 1989/1994, withdrawal phase of the scheme; 1995/2000, stage joint status quo, 2001/2006, counter stage of the system, 2007/2012 , recycling stage model. Strict sense, a society in transition would be a category only applicable to Cuban society in the early 2000. This would be the trait that would decide the use of special qualifier to define this period of the Cuban process. Offered evidence on this aspect that I found in the official discourse: 2002, socialism is irreversible, 2005, may be reversible if ... 2007, we are by the reforms, 2010, this model is a nuisance and do not give more. That is, a step forward every 2 / 3 years. What will happen in 2012?
who address the reality of Cuba will realize regressive change is happening in high politics in Cuba today. (From the realpolitik toward Ostpolitik.) Which makes it more difficult this stage of recycling former society model. What can explain this defensive reaction that ranges from political pragmatism, which facilitates the adaptation of the system to the high contingency giving rise to the peripheral-company status, until the adoption of principled positions that reduce the ability to maneuver and end up sticking the body politic of the nation?
suggest a solution: a working hypothesis.
The model of society that was running in the 1990's was a socialist egalitarian. This model was based on an epistemology (the mass-man) to justify their own problems, such as political society, on conflict between majorities and minorities. The vision of society was crossed by the logic of power. Even how to negotiate the change of era was marked by this logic of politics obsolete. (Let us follow him on the trail of governance policies were adopted to realize the details of the case.) The question is presented as a contradiction in the political system to be overcome: the State versus analog digital society. This would force us to consider the condition that identifies overmodernity Cuban society today. But before I suggest that we consider a scheme that summarizes the policy governance for decades for 1990/2000. That is, as the four stages that have divided the analysis of the special period.
1989/1994: How the country was faced with the debacle that brought about the failure of socialism in Eastern Europe and Central? In the center was the dilemma of how to sustain the process control. The keys to the policy were at least three: one, expand consensus that supported the regime back to national tionalists positions similar to those adopted in the 1960's to integrate in the National Assembly, for example, a range of sectors social change that had been made invisible by working-class ideology in the decades of 1970/1980, two recycle to the technocratic elite gestated during the state workers as managerial class to administer the new economy that was articulated in that decade, and three, reduce social pressures that motivated the policy of criminalization of poverty that were the former police state, ending the measure to legalize the withdrawal who had established their survival strategies Cubans in this the first half of the decade of 1990.
1995/2000: As a result of these survival strategies of the cu-Cubans were growing autonomy of various social sectors. Then the governance of the state policy was to establish individual agreements with the latter. Trying to secure the minimum conditions reproduction of the economy was articulated certain status quo: New Economy, and State welfare, in the midst of the depoliticization of society in those years, provided a greater role for the new bourgeoisie and the old bureaucracy in decision making the second half of the decade of 1990. Indeed, this policy increased the uncertainties in social life and shot so favorable economic indicators for three years (1996/1998). Including anti-corruption policy (operating Alejandro) who tried to prevent translation of the economic power of the New Class in political power.
2001/2006: governance policy adopted by the Cuban state had reached its limits, to warn the need for technological tooling counter productive to the economy. Census figures 2002-study coincided with the crisis of social product realization, too, "revealed the photo of the holocaust of the '90s. State policy was then to maintain the status quo and initiate a counter to expand the bases of legitimacy of the Cuban revolution to reduce poverty. [Precariousness is due not only to the effects of the 90s, but also that it was the result of a lot of failed policies in four decades (1959/1989).] The success of this policy was that it is obvious that the pattern of previous society had been exhausted and the situation called for reform of it. Unfortunately, it happens a change in leadership at this time that awarded the Ostpolitik.
2007/2012: governance policy of the Cuban State is committed to streamlining the previous model before moving to the articulation of the new society. In this regard is to exhaust the possibilities of the ancien regime. And would be taking some time to get settle better idea about what to do in the future. All those social programs that were running in parallel (Battle of Ideas: about 340 in total), now become a content management Cuban government. Mean a substantial change in the logic of self-legitimation of the socialist-statist regime in Cuba, making such contents are understood, according to the Constitution of the country, as part of the state's obligations to society. Policy should conduct a dismantling of state-led mediation of social relations in Cuba, in principle, should begin by removing the reified relationship between state and society.
This reading we do on governance policies that were adopted by Cuba during the Special Period (1989/2010), and now invite you to discuss this historic process conceived as a political space of social struggle that pitted statist and civilians in the first phase (1989/1994), which led in its second phase (1995/2000) the hedonistic spirit that permeates now a popular culture that provided a new sensibility to emerge period in Cuban society during the third phase (2001/2006),-up to justify a critical distance to reality, "even to become a increasing confrontation between Orthodox and libertarians against the realization of another socialism in Cuba. Seem to be these forces that will decide the destiny of the country hereafter. But this would be another discussion too far afield we now addressed in this article.
course, some say to serve as motivation for a debate.
could now make certain similarities between the policies and those adopted at previous sessions of the Cuban Revolution, all of them, just with the intention of revealing some continuity in a way of doing politics that are spread throughout the Special Period. The success of these policies is leading to its failure. Now, what is the logic of power would seem not to notice the change that has happened in Cuban society over the past two decades in Cuba. Understand the increasing militarization of society as a defensive reaction of socialist-statist system. It would be the announcement of a final.
II
This analysis assumes that there is another company, that a State is administering a country to the former, everything is a contradiction from this assumption. What company? We left here the concept that developed overmodernity Marc Augé. Since then, the French ethnologist not even imagine what it means that we sobremodernos Cubans in the XXI century. When a Paris metro Augé sees a postponement of the identity of the social subjects in Cuba, however, these non-places (Anonymous spaces)-which could, for example, a Bus that is, a P4, a P10, etc.-turn out to be a boundary in which recreate the identities of such social issues. Distance integrate markets and 42 Fifth, Cuatro Caminos, Carlos III, the Bus, Central Park, Coppelia, La Tropical, etc. within the city of Havana. That is, all those spaces where they are released the identity processes distorting pressure exercised by the state police on them.
[Under this category of Marc Augé, a society is overmodernity when multiplied spaces when accelerating and when times are individualized referents. This is the situation of openness and dialogue between generations (5), for example, has come to affect the Cuban society in the decade of 1990.]
Studying Cuban Residency Abroad (PRE) into their routines, or the everyday life of certain communities of Cubans living abroad (Diaspora), could give us a rough idea about the vitality of Cuban ethnocultural process century. We, however, we preferred to address other border areas into Cuban society. In a study published earlier in Monografias.com: "Society in transition. New Social Subjectivities "(October 2009), we deal to make sociology of conversion processes of differences in social inequalities and vice versa occurred in small towns these Cuban from 20 to 30 thousand people, including border areas against the system of political domination that was articulated during the workers' state ( 1971/1989) and went into crisis during the decade of 1990. Now mind ponder anthropophagic-cultural capacity of our society to such phenomena as the globalization of the capitalist world system. Studying these processes of identity at border-hair-we could provide an effective dismantling of statist mediation of social relations in Cuba, for starters.
We have little time for such philosophical disquisitions, which would be necessary as well. Perhaps it is enough to warn us just a few of the many changes that have taken place in Cuban society over the past two decades.
highlight four processes of change in particular:
a) Intergenerational dialogue unpublished.
b) Capitalization of opportunities for increasing social autonomy.
c) The process of virtualization of the community.
d) Presence of a new awareness of time in society.
e) Delegitimization police state. Process
those who do overmodernity Cuban society.
's place, in addition, some explanatory notes on the margins of the statements. Let us, above all, to make clear the intimate relationship between these social processes that have resulted in another company. First things first: Why do we prefer these aspects of society and not others? As simple as I say, in point a) make a greater emphasis on interpersonal relationships. Because this is a crucial factor in a transitional society where cultural and ideological factors lose some relevance in everyday life. (Plural Lifestyle more or less rigid.) Analysis motivates the next item on the agenda (b), however, addresses the same issue from the side of the process identity. But both ends move in a quantitative logic that tries to be resolved at the point c) in order to reveal the qualitative leap TiVo has happened during this historical period in Cuban society. A jump that occurs not only at the societal level but primarily at individuals who take other views of reality. And this aspect is being recorded by the point d) of the agenda. Finally, what allows us to speak of a company, another would be to disconnect the previous regulatory system, which eventually made it all happen within a logic of power. This tells the point e) of the agenda.
try to map the transition happens in the last two decades.
Decade, 1980: In an era of change as it was the decade of 1990, best remembered is against anything that breaks the norm. And the rule was workerist conscription system was reduced to the provision of salary and statist book rationed goods receiving every Cuban family. In the midst of a balkanized society like that of the 1980 would be difficult to notice the sharp class stratification affecting it. The islands that made up the country's human, "lacking a vision for all to themselves, seemed to flourish without limits under the Soviet subsidy, no one could warn them Onset hiding mannose collective wealth management by the workers' state (1971/1989). At least two factors contributed to this policy possible: one, the broad middle class that had resulted from the institutionalization process had been completed in Cuba since 1973. Which was a mattress that cushions the feeling of poverty and reduced the experiences of exclusion affecting Cuban society, since their own civil status makes mediocrity strategies on their consciences by Orthodox. The other factor that made it less obscene this state of exclusion in the society of the 80s, it would high vertical mobility offered by the state workers for a decade (1976/1985). A minimum strip of poverty could only be justified given the state of levitation led Cuba's relationship with Cuba CAME that time was a typical modern peripheral society: a society of high contrasts that begins to create differences in charge later to crush. Promote such disastrous statist dynamic as a result of the homogenized-tion of society, who were also followed by a system of property that had been nationalized. Decade
1990: The analysis of Cuban society in the late 1990 would be more productive if it is assumed peripheral society more like that as a socialist society. [A variant of socialism Caribbean historical latter, as Samir Amin.] Would then be possible to build bridges with the experiences of other companies in Latin America in this period and could see that the alternative of changes that mean the new movements social in the region would be frustrated by state-led mediation of social relations in Cuba. To imagine another Cuba today, then it would be necessary before the-ism that deconstruct discussion. The changes taking place in Cuba during the 1990 cast doubt on that system itself. Everything was different in Cuba hit with the changes. Changed since then: the class stratification, the property regime, the symbolic and cultural universe of society. During this decade, Cuban society was pluralized to become in a complex society. Cubans are in two thirds of the world today. What would be a result of hypertrophy of the external migration valve (exhaust) enabled to reduce the social pressure produced by the statist socialism in Cuba. During this decade, in addition, various social sectors would obtain autonomy fees were capitalized in 2000 by them. But it was still being a peripheral society modern trying to get around the bad weather. Which would be noticed in the image of Cuban folkloric would be in the works of art and media that are thriving in this period. We see this time, a resurgence of nationalist ideology that had been instrumental in the 1960's. Of course, the best policy alternatives among Cuban economists are based on that paradigm today. 2000's
: Cuba is another. But ... what? First, migration intentions of the period have virtualized resources to existing local companies, making several communities coexist within the same society. [The vision of the world island has been put into solfa.] Second, el uso masivo de las nuevas tecnologías de la información han acabado por acelerar los tiempos y acortar las distancias dentro de la sociedad cubana. [Quizá lo más subversivo ha sido el USB.] Tercero, cierto estado de la memoria histórica y colectiva en Cuba hace más “posmoderna” a esta sociedad de conjunto. (Lo cual ha elevado el nivel de tolerancia hasta imponer un reconocimiento amplio de las diferencias entre los cubanos de adentro y de afuera. Esto hace además que unas cinco generaciones hacen hoy lecturas inconmensurables sobre lo sucedido en las últimas cinco décadas.) Cuarto, las cuotas de autonomía sociales que diversos sectores de la sociedad había logrado en la década de 1990, ahora están being capitalized from outsider society. (A process that frees people to be creative in many areas of daily life.) Fifth, the state of diglossia suffering Cuban society has come to be instituted in a dense network of social relations, from the state, just by giving its own identity outsider to this society. Sixth, the forms of conscription of the bureaucratic state police have been discredited by the new Cuba. In contrast, emerging forms of social self-regulation from the community. [In that sense, the ethical and social deficits of the Cuban Revolution is being paid off by this company in outsider.] Seventh, the current Cuban Government's actions are a confirmation of the changes in Cuban society over the past two decades. Finally, the is-tatistas have declared themselves unable to effectively run the country and have decided to transfer this work to society ... Of course, to retain the reins of command.
Indeed, our reading is a brutal simplification of the Cuban in the last two decades. But has the virtue of facilitating a group discussion that would put the issue in a better position than that achieved with such a reading.
So now I ask the reader to return to the logic of power that we discussed in the previous section. Contrast this other company with those structures government policy itself. The conversion process analysis of differences in social inequalities and vice versa, in principle, revealed wide ranging issue which concerns the sustainability of certain political society. But this analysis we propose now refers to the survival of the Cuban nation itself. This will be a matter of mind both statist, neo-capitalist or libertarian in Cuba alike, since the national stage itself where its social struggles occurring would be placed on solfa. The attitude adopted Triana, for example, is due in principle to the serious lack of coordination between sectors in the Cuban economy. But the fact of neglecting the factor external design an alternative returns us to the situation of that suffer besieged Cubans today. The solution seems to be in the articulation of a human-scale economy, low environmental impact ... as an open system.
estimate the bottlenecks in the process of reproduction of society right now that would be affecting the performance of a proposed new economy that would be based in the community.
After receiving much criticism, the Cuban Government is currently attempting to overcome certain excesses of economic model given in routine administration. How would the measures have been taken by the same and attempt to correct the excesses of a business unit against the backs of the community. They used the savings of the population, infrastructure, workforce, local society, and so on. Communities that have been set to work in these companies. Never the reverse. The dilemma for companies that operate as enclaves in the community is due to the system of political rule that was instituted by the State workers in the decades of 1970/1980. A fracture system to society. The effect of stratification of the cities that produced the system of political domination has been able to distort the social reproduction process of these local societies.
This would be the dilemma policy of the ancien regime.
reified relationship between state and society, which would be based on statist mediation of social relations in Cuba, and is justified in a Salvationist commercial vision of social change, just be an obstacle to the development of a Communist attitude to society. This dilemma is expressed as the democratic deficits of the Cuban Revolution, and leads to a lack of clarity of governance facing the city in everyday life. Among other ills, this issue is presented as a loss of sense of belonging to the Cuban people against the potential that contains the proposed new company, but management Regular government reduces to finish canceling it. When the popular control over government management is more, all indices of efficiency rise in the locality. This says the experience everywhere.
(any as the economic mode of the dilemma above.)
State policy has been that invest only where there is more ba-time. Never where the project requires subverting playback ancien regime that remains as exclusionary practices and structures in society, you are real. More regressive effects of these policies range from the construction of subjects to the production of meaning, from the precariousness of collective life. Lighting and dark places of the Cuban cities remain after five decades of social revolution social? Mean that these old structures of oppression have been updated in Cuban society, to be those established as popular philosophy that justifies certain doom from political reality. The popular voice says, "but what remedy?", While accepting the lesser evil. The cultural task of socialism refers to the subversion of this common sense.
Because change is the civilization that socialism should be understood as a process of radical and social-historical continuum, which would result from the conscious action of the masses that eventually subvert the existing order as a whole. Inserts in this process would find all these aspects of society. Framing this analysis, we would say: The state of obsolescence of the system of political domination that was articulated during the workers' state (1971/1989), the relationship between state and society reified and statist mediation of social relations in Cuba, as dilemma background, pose a challenge to the Cuban Revolution civilization must face. Any debate on the fate of socialism in Cuba, in my view, must start from these assumptions, political and cultural.
III
demanded Last Thursday's debate a celebration of those differences that could enrich the analysis of the period. I think this exercise would make sense in principle, while trying to articulate a platform to facilitate other studies. However, in this section of the article I will address in marking those differences would have more effectively to the debate.
First of all, I will warn the reader: This article omits many of the matches I have with the panelists: Mayra Espina and John Triana, and today I reserve discussion of the many differences that might have with José Luis Rodriguez ... Because they are many and deep. [I confess my admiration for starting Mayra and Triana. Hold a dialogue with these colleagues has been intense. Dialogue where, of course, both have been making the most.] For two decades, politicians have preferred to ignore its truths. However, a change in reality over these intellectuals rewarding Cubans before that hearing. The tactic of politicians now will take a utilitarian view. Political idiot in front of some bodies of thought of integrity who would not admit this coarse selectivity would end up crippling them. This requires the current to these colleagues is to be consistent with Working lines that have followed them for three decades.
fantasize in this section of the text. Imagine that at the end I was with them in the panel. Even the dialogue that might occur in the dispute which called the moderator of the debate last Thursday. What are the points that had brought them to debate? I do not know. But it occurs to me that I could be two: one with each of them. According to JL Rodríguez
there are two opposing views on how to understand the Special Period: Those who favor and those against the Cuban Revolution ... the thing is so simple. Definitely, this map offers the Cuban economist will a tribute to the spirit of discord which for five decades has been clouded the analysis of Cuban reality. I believe that if any taking of sides would have to decide in favor of those who in these last five decades have been in the bottom of the pot. From the other perspective is to discuss the political economy of Juan Triana. Who, it said, is beyond this simplification of things in Cuba. Triana is located from the people and seek to unleash the energies of this, no doubt, in a spirit of community life that would sustain a long-term municipal traditions in the history of the Cuban nation. Has deep roots. Discuss what Triana, then, would be irrelevant that affects their theories. The villages are forced to articulate economies across borders, in principle, to swipe getización strategy of national spaces that global capitalist enterprises have been put forward with success since the 1980's.
[Hugo Chávez has called for an integration of the peoples of our America. What he means by that? I do not know. What is he doing well to achieve such a thing? Poquísi-mo or nothing. Will avoid a digression at this point. Dangerous, I say, it would reinforce statism. Precise, even in the midst of a strategy empowerment of civil society ... in the nation-state. Definitely, I note: that his strategy did not lead to liberation of the oppressed classes.] Understood
economic model proposed by Juan Triana as an open system, then, would have little objection to it. So the socialist enterprise would operate under the principle of co-determination in a non-mercantilist use values \u200b\u200brewards subordinated to the demands of the community. State policies to adopt in libertarian socialism must strive to subvert the deformed social and economic structures that have been inherited from centuries of capitalist exploitation. The peripheral company status would be overcome with the articulation of an alternative model that contradicts the process of reproduction of capital and also facilitate a rapid expansion of au-togestionarias forms between existing local companies. Usufruct policy "state property? is a political aberration that tries to legitimize a legal fiction. (Nothing prevents me a friend of mine rented the Capitol of Havana if such a policy makes sense. Since then, something can only be possible in a country where the defendant must prove his innocence before a court to decide achieve such thing.) From a socialist logic broad-based libertarian social autonomy would be possible to articulate an open economic system today. Adopted this other perspective
everything is different. Consider the system of property ownership in the libertarian socialism, for example. First of all, what matters where there are critical values \u200b\u200bof the community will use the collective wealth has created for herself. The use of those assets that are vital for it to be part of the heritage of society as a whole. (Heritage would be made available to the community with the sole objective of ensuring a larger scale of the latter.) Of course, would be defined by the optimal in the redistribution of collective wealth of which we speak. In this sense, the sociologist Mayra Espina seems to accept almost any formula if it reduces the exclusion. Notice well: Mayra Espina has been offering a concept of poverty that remakes on the fly, while aware of the inequities born of the system being studied. It seems that such critical analysis would only be appealing to the common sense of that system. And indeed, for an egalitarian system should be an inconsistency the support these social inequities. But she does not come to discuss how the system produces the latter. What makes me remember a line from a poem by Roque Dalton: "The man order. " I am old
old as your hope
me laugh
Indeed, this would be the other way which brought the debate of last Thursday.
The issue discussed here relates to how to set the optimum would be necessary for a fair and just redistribution of collective wealth, given in the context of libertarian socialism that is their own "nature" of the scheme is adopted. On this concept of stratification and poverty have said in colloquial and scientific that the solution will be found by digging up of the material that produces the system, but within those cultural and ideological processes that support it. At a meeting of the Brotherhood said that any house is in a hut, "without losing a single brick the same, if the neighbor becomes a castle. Recent sociological studies on consumer economy have shown how overcome certain minimum quantitative analysis becomes meaningless income. Precisely because this phenomenon is revealed as a cultural fact. [Among those who defend this theory of cultural consumption (conspicuous) are Joseph Heath and Andrew Potter. Which adhere to the theory of positional goods created by Thorstein Veblen.] No one but was Mayra Espina in Cuba could make better use of my sociology of conversion processes of differences in social inequalities, and vice versa. Working as part of the memories of last symposium held by the CIPS, to be exact.
This is my theory:
When certain ideas are hegemonic in a society, then a coat of good reasons for social inequality tends to make them pass by simple differences between human beings. (It helps that the oppressed culture among the lower classes tend to naturalize these relations of oppression.) Happened, for example, when the world system entered the phase of globalization governed by neoliberal philosophy and revealed all inequity of this narrow vision of human life. Then the talk of multiculturalism came into vogue. Aberration as understood that the natural state of society (post) modern na we should celebrate.
happened like in Cuba, just as workerist hegemony collapsed in late 1990. (Only now the nightmare is passed like a bad time experienced by the nation.) Happens that the balloon is deflated and collapsed the charm that covered reality. What gave you by inequalities in the 90s were just the differences we accepted without question in the 80s. Of course, everything we thought otherwise. How would you explain this illusion among Cubans? We offer two good reasons to help better understand this situation: First reason, the elite stays on top of a nail. Society fell down to form a pocket of poverty. On the one hand, it was visible opulence living with the elite (now recycled with the change.) Moreover, within this pocket of poverty reveals the ethical and social deficits of the "socialist revolution? in five decades. Then emerge all sexism, racism and classism which had remained dormant for five decades in Cuba. (Social Strip grew because the ship's waterline had risen now) The thing that tends to con-fuse this analysis is that the social pyramid was inverted and in the unfortunate was an intellectual critical of reality.
This is my truth.
Could this be my contribution to the discussion of topics. I gladly would have done from the panel, too. Outside the game, however, have given me the chance to say more. [Too bad they are today counterintelligence officers who take this type of decision. Also decided who should participate in discussions and public.] Of course, what should happen in the academic side could be more instructive than the dialogue of the deaf is happening today among social scientists and policy makers in Cuba. (Considering as positive the good will shown from the Science Department of the Communist Party Central Committee now with the scientific institutes.) A special case would be JL Rodríguez. [I hope I forgive this fellow to confess my opinion.] I think the Cuban economist's dilemma comes down to being accustomed to see Cuba from above. (Maker of macroeconomics on request.) From up there you can only see a dark spot on the bottom of the pot. But down here, however, there is a swarm of ants Reeves daily life. This overview is revealed in a study on development strategies of the Cuban Revolution which Rodriguez JL (1989). So this time, I could only say hello and take notes of their ideas. Ideas also have seemed very lucid me at some points.
*
The original idea of \u200b\u200bthe moderator of the debate last Thursday about how to structure that panel was correct. Intended to discuss these views of social scientists and policy makers on the special period (1989/2010). The academic team would consist of a sociologist, an economist and political scientist. These should provide a more comprehensive critical analysis on the process now being debated. In the side of policy makers alone would be in a (former) Minister of Economy, which covered the crucial part of the special period. It was to make us understand the complexity of the process under discussion, avoiding academic analysis is disconnected from the realities. As is usual that happens in Cuba. Lacking the political scientist panel discussion is biased because one end two economists eventually face a sociologist who, moreover, has been engaged in studying the social stratification motivated by those policies adopted during the special period. Triana
stood in the middle of the debate. Economist who eventually decided in favor of the Academy. Since then, through many troubles. (This was influenced more human qualities of Juan Triana Cordoví your expert status ... to tell the truth.) Attitude of Mayra Espina was smarter and elegant, in the end, when she was respectful of their colleagues, decided to above all be honest and say the best views on the special period.
The party ended when the moderator asked for relief applause Jose Luis Rodri-guez had ended up being a minority, after the conclusion from the public felt the words of Mayra Espina. As it picked up the feel of the dough. She referred to the destination of those who are still at the bottom of the pot. Meanwhile, from the right (because why random? This was its location on the table last Thursday), José Luis Rodríguez spoke, using really good arguments in defense of the policies adopted by the Cuban state during that period. The idea seems to have mortified the whole time was that the former minister of trying to find an alternative solution to dilemmas of the past now, which obviously could have no other way than that adopted when considering the episteme on anyone who sat historical drama lived by the Cuban nation. I believed in everything and do not blame him at all. Even, I think everyone did his best effort as unlucky period. What happens is that life goes forward and requires us to avoid past mistakes. It would be nice for the first time for JL Rodríguez.
POS (ES) CRITO.
who attended the debate last Thursday may have noticed that the sociologist Mayra Espina has been treated with certain critical distance in this article. When you feel the author is opposed to all this meant. I do this with any intention because it meant that panel in my little revenge against the silence that wanted to bury the man in the order of certain truths. I confess now to have repressed my infinite joy. So much so that my joy by Mayra I said, I will not be saying so. Because my love could vitiate the opinion. Be my friend Tatico-mix of intellectuals and workers, former typesetter, (now a glazier with USB spreading ideas through the neighborhood) - who say their opinion about your words. Tatico then said: "The best thing I heard what you said. What comes up if we do not act in time to avoid it all! ". Never promised not to miss these debates. After lamenting he has not attended the previous debates Themes, tried to comfort me against the excesses of man in the order that I had left out of the game. "I understand ... Let You speak from the panel was too strong for those who are not even aware that Cuba is another, 20 years later. " Activity
Friday, October 22, 2010
Sticky White Cervical Mucus Cramping
Fear misused
Hi all, today commented with students to analyze the irresponsible consumer who has used fear, develop a diagram of evolution of fear, I received a video showing a sun Crude and censors consequences of irresponsible use of fear in marketing campaigns.
I want to clarify that the video is a hidden camera that perhaps the intention was to upload to the network cameras oan typical chipping program, but poorly planned its consequences are extremely unpredictable.
If considered to have a strong stomach check it out,
After seeing exaggerated consider whether the emphasis of the class. 
Hi all, today commented with students to analyze the irresponsible consumer who has used fear, develop a diagram of evolution of fear, I received a video showing a sun Crude and censors consequences of irresponsible use of fear in marketing campaigns.
I want to clarify that the video is a hidden camera that perhaps the intention was to upload to the network cameras oan typical chipping program, but poorly planned its consequences are extremely unpredictable.
If considered to have a strong stomach check it out,
Thursday, October 21, 2010
Fotos Tatoo Na Genitaria
Project Tlanamakapili "to generate an entrepreneurial Mexico
Tlanamakapili is a project with a fun approach teaches your child to create wealth
referential social
Marco
Funding:
Funding should be provided by the federal government or any institution through donation, according to the following:
Investment Grade and recovery funding per child to achieve.
; ; initial investment of 2 to 10 months of 1
Primary Fund lost $ 50.00 0% 102'100, 628.00 ; 918'905, 652.00
2 nd Primary Fund lost $ 50.00 0% 120'332, 883.00 , 995 1.082, 947.00 3 of primary
$ 65.00 140'023718 Fund lost 50% .40 504'085, 386.24
grade 4 $ 65 Fund lost 50% 148'775, 200.80 , 401'639, 042.16
Primary 5 Fund lost $ 80 80% ; 183'781, 130.40 330'806, 034.72 Primary 6
$ 80 Fund lost 80% 233'372, 864.00 210'035, 577.60
Secondary 1, the Fund lost $ 100 100% 217'996, 812.00 ; , 0.00
2 of secondary fund lost $ 125 100% 249'788, 013.75 0.00
3 of secondary Fund lost $ 150 100% 281'579, 215.50 0.00
1.677 '750, '521 3.448 465.85, 639.72
TLANAMAKAPILI
Introduction 
Tlanamakapili is a project with a fun approach teaches your child to create wealth
referential social
Marco
The current education system only teaches child to eat, either through the school supply lists, the co-products that have marketing promotional items, the influence of peers and specific requests by teachers of products for celebrations like Valentine's Day, Day of the Dead, Independence Day, Christmas, exchanging gifts in the living room and birthday celebration at school - sometimes reinforced the use by teachers with academic valuable prizes to better living trimmed-among some subjects, a situation that creates a society of high consumption with indirect relationship with him, as the student learns to buy the underlying meaning of consumption, ie a high note, an acceptance by the teacher, a peer group acceptance or recognition of the best games, and so on.
to generate wealth for the individual must learn to do But learn it until you have the need and the consumption habit learned, elements that create an adverse situation of learning because there is stress and urgency of admission, leading to a trial and error learning with the emotional exhaustion person and sometimes a refusal to undertake their own business activity.
Tlanamakapili-vendedorcito project in Nahuatl, is aimed at developing entrepreneurial skills among children in primary and secondary education methodology involved in a game, a situation that will lead to a positive relationship with corporate learning, partly because the child have fun learn how to do business even before to know the transaction value of goods or services offered and, as progress in grade develop the necessary skills to be an entrepre-dor, in addition to being an accomplished is capable of generating wealth.
Funding:
Funding should be provided by the federal government or any institution through donation, according to the following:
Investment Grade and recovery funding per child to achieve.
; ; initial investment of 2 to 10 months of 1
Primary Fund lost $ 50.00 0% 102'100, 628.00 ; 918'905, 652.00
2 nd Primary Fund lost $ 50.00 0% 120'332, 883.00 , 995 1.082, 947.00 3 of primary
$ 65.00 140'023718 Fund lost 50% .40 504'085, 386.24
grade 4 $ 65 Fund lost 50% 148'775, 200.80 , 401'639, 042.16
Primary 5 Fund lost $ 80 80% ; 183'781, 130.40 330'806, 034.72 Primary 6
$ 80 Fund lost 80% 233'372, 864.00 210'035, 577.60
Secondary 1, the Fund lost $ 100 100% 217'996, 812.00 ; , 0.00
2 of secondary fund lost $ 125 100% 249'788, 013.75 0.00
3 of secondary Fund lost $ 150 100% 281'579, 215.50 0.00
1.677 '750, '521 3.448 465.85, 639.72
Total investment project by a year at Mexico tlanamakapili is '272 5.126, 105.57 This amount is low considering that only in the city of Mexico was spent in celebrating the bicentenary three billion pesos that will not recover in any way. The project has been kind tlanamakapilli generated by the movement of money, since the end of each additional period of recovery requested 3 of primary 3 of high school, to generate an income of at least 20% for each student to integrate the workshop tlanamakapill, this translated into money amounts to 1.025 '254, 421.11 pesos not generated as a benefit to this sector of the population.
Development Goal relating to the child with the generation of wealth through fun activities through role-playing, J. Sully states "The origin of the game is in the desire to implement an attractive idea for the child" why the facilitator should tlanamakapili skip value judgments about ideas or products to develop children and, based on research of TA Markova in which determined that not all activities arouse the desire to play so the facilitator should be aware of the activities that attract children. Schools affiliated to the project as background Tlanamakapili receive the result of multiplying the number of students at each level by the authorized funding, students must make one day a month a flea market open to the community for residents and family members of students buying naturally the products offered by the students, it is proposed to be the last Friday of every month.
Development Project is based on the learning and maturation processes established by the SEP, ie leaving the elementary biannual groups grouped into 1 st and 2 nd, 3 rd and 4 th, 5 th and 6 th. While high school grade-level management will be independent.
Primary tlanamakapilli
Segment 1 º and 2 º Marketing and modify products.
1 The student will sell products that you like only to him unchanged, "the facilitator will assist you in product selection, the sales pitch is defined by the benefits that the child perceives the product, eg sale of pallets of ice lemon flavor, possible arguments: Taste, freshness, color, packaging design, removes the heat. &.
2 The student will sell products that you like him, but modified, the role of the facilitator is identical to first. The product changes as it begins the process of transformation, as exemplified by the same palette, now the child sells the palette by adding chamoy or other effect or covered with chocolate.
sale Form 1 and Year 2: Free on presentation, promotion and image selecting what the child likes to highlight the product, the end of each tianguis the facilitator made a reflection of the results, focusing how I miss to be moved over the product or service.
Segment 3 and 4 New Product Development.
3 The student will sell products that appeal to their friends and peers, the child is not only buys and sells produce, in this case the child support by buying products pede roommates year. The role of the facilitator is to guide in identifying what they like to friends and would be best made in a store to buy or acquire the fourth graders.
4 The student will sell products that appeal to their friends and classmates the variety that he must produce, provide the ingredients and method of preparation, the role of the facilitator is to guide in determining production costs, inviting reflection of what happens if it is very expensive. At this level the student should learn to use suppliers to easily initiate chains.
Segment 5 and 6 Raid services and launch schedule, the student can do a project bimonthly or quarterly.
5 The student will provide a product or service that is needed in your community, identifying needs further embrace needs of the school. Students will twice in the company of a facilitator to do surveys to identify needs, and based on identified need will develop the product or service chosen by the student, the facilitator should support planning and identify the steps needed to achieve the objective of the project .
6 The student will serve as a fifth grader with the variation that will develop the project in groups to begin planning and teamwork, to which should carry a logbook of work and introduced to the log together with dates clear commitments and responsibilities.
High Tlanamakapilli
The secondary level the goal is that students develop productive chains and synergies, learn teamwork and develop business plans, reason why all the events will be quarterly.
1 The student will determine as a group to which team third-party support through the production of material required by those in that grade to promote and carry out your project, you can not sell outside the school, must learn to satisfy " the secondary market. "
2 The student will determine the infrastructure needs of the school such as painting, basic maintenance of electricity and carpentry, this based on the workshops that are taught in school, they tasarán to school work and the funds received will be used to buy basic supplies such as paint, brushes, drills, cable, etc., at the end of the activities address the settle school work to students, this will generate a double effect, learn to market services and commitment to maintenance of the facilities because they have made.
3 The student group will determine the needs of the school and area in which it is located, will perform the market research to identify a need, then develop products that meet social need.
theoretical framework will understand as the concept of playful fun game, Vsévolodski-Guerngross states that there are three group games, ornamentals, sports and drama-ments, they in turn are divided into labor everyday; Tlanamakapili is located in the dramatic play everyday because they establish social relationships. Elkonin psychology in his book provides "the game influences the entire scope of human activities and relationships between people and that is a guide to the missions and emphasizes that human motivations and leisure activities are provided more important for the child to enter the field of social relations and the model in a peculiar, Plekhanov states that the game responds to the demand of the society in which children live and which should become members , together with the provisions of Sikorski and Dewey linking the game with the development of thought, thus combining the two views we find that the themes of the game decisively influence the reality that surrounds the child, this allows us to infer that The project will have a greater social impact limited to the students themselves. This impact can define tlanamakapili the game has a social fund which grew under the conditions of life of children.
Tlanamakapili develop entrepreneurial skills according to the individual's psychosocial development and is divided into four phases, three of which apply to primary level and fourth at the secondary level. The children reflect on their learning the game of buying and selling based on experiences when going to the shops with his family, children begin the game with imitation of papers, and gradually develop their own skills.
Tlamanakapili is a fun workshop based on the theories of the game, almost all authors who have investigated the fundamental background of the roles that are adopted and interpreted by children at play, say their issues have a decisive influence the reality that surrounds the child.
© Ivan Flores Armando Motta 2010
Tuesday, October 5, 2010
Symptoms Of A Fatty Spleen
VIII LESBIAN FEMINIST MEETING OF LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
"Spinning Rebeldías from the Root"
FRIDAY 8
| SCHEDULE | | PLACE |
| 12:00 hours onwards | participants will be received at the airport, transfer to hotel and registration | Hotel Pan-American |
SATURDAY 9
| SCHEDULE | | PLACE |
| 12:00 hours onwards | participants will be received at the airport, transfer to hotel and registration | Hotel Pan-American |
| 20:00 to 24:00 | Welcome and cultural event attended by Sandra Morán, Ochy Curiel and poets. | Bodeguita del Centro |
SUNDAY 10
| SCHEDULE | | PLACE |
| 8:00 to 9:30 | will complete the registration of all participants | |
| 8: 30 to | Press Conference | Auditorium |
| 10:00 to 11:00 | Welcome and opening ELFLAC VIII. | Auditorium |
| 11:00 to 13:00 | reflection tables (see methodology to be presented with registration) | Auditorium |
| 13:00 to 14:30 | Lunch | Auditorium |
| 14:30 to 17:00 | tables reflect | Auditorium |
| 17:00 to 17:30 | Performance: Experience as Queer Latina women living in Canada - Janet Romero | Auditorium |
| 17:30 to 20:00 | Workshops (see list of workshops to be delivered with the inscription) | |
| 20:30 | Welcome Party: Hip-Hop And DJ Cameleon Camila | Bodeguita del
| Center
MONDAY 11
| SCHEDULE | | |
| 9:00 to 10:00 | Summary table of the day by meeting | |
| 10:00 to 13:00 | Reflection tables | Auditorium |
| 13:00 to 14: 30 | Lunch | Auditorium |
| 14:30 to 15:00 | Performance: Ivonne Argueta | Auditorium |
| 15:00 to 17:00 | tables reflect | |
| 17:30 to 20:00 | | Auditorium |
| 20:30 | Cultural night Short, Photos and Music. | Bodeguita del Centro |
TUESDAY 12
| SCHEDULE | | PLACE |
| 9:00 to 9:45 | In plenary will present the outcome of the discussions of previous days. | Auditorium |
| 9:45 to 10:15 | Short-Monologue Queen Elizabeth Edith Benitez | |
| 10:15 to 13:00 | | Auditorium |
| 13:00 to 14:30 | Lunch | |
| 14:30 to 17:00 | Return of workshops and plenary discussion | |
| 17:00 to 18:30 | Space See definition of next ELFLAC | Auditorium |
| 18: 30 to 19:30 | closing ceremony of the Eighth Meeting | Auditorium |
| | CLOSING PARTY: Concert Krudas Cubensi | Bodeguita del Centro |
WEDNESDAY 13
| SCHEDULE | | |
| 10:00 to 11:30 | open public forum for discussion and debate with other feminist women of Guatemala. | Auditorium |
| 11:30 to 14:00 | March and direct actions in the park with a press conference | Central Park |
| | Bodeguita Lunch and farewell to the participants | Bodeguita del Centro |
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