PUBLISH THIS TEXT THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO THE DEBATE ON THE SITUATION BETWEEN CUBAN COMRADES ON THE LEFT.
by: Gustavo Rodriguez
"Freedom without Socialism is privilege and injustice Socialism without Freedom
is slavery and brutality."
M. Bakunin
During this month (June, 2010) have proliferated significantly articles of "collaboration" critical "from the" inside-contradictory "and calls for" revolutionary cohesion "and" dialogue without sectarianism " as well as invitations to seek consensus, among the revolutionary ranks, to the urgent transition to socialism in Cuba, in the context of an undeniable mildly critical environment has been gaining strength within certain sectors that still have confessed a devotion to the government of the Castro brothers and their party unique and exclusive. Aged
charges from new formulations
Call
extremely interesting that in these crucial moments emerge recharged and reworked old signs in new utterances to label, from the timid and recent critical bill, the same points, with fifty years in advance and much more strongly exposed libertarians from the Association of Libertarian Cuba (ACL) [1], through a manifesto [2] where it was alleged, in early 1959-with autonomy and unquestionable clarity of approach, "the growing" state centralism 'path of' authoritarian ', not without recalling the central role of the Cuban anarchists in the struggle against the dictatorship of President-General Fulgencio Batista. In the same document, is accused of obscene strategy developed by the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), in order to "seek hegemony [...] during the era of Batista's rule [...] enjoyed." In the same frame of mind, the Solidarity Gastronomic February 15, 1959, by another Workers Manifesto and the people in general, he notes, to the vertical enforcement in favor of maintaining its leading positions in all the pack of pictures of the PCC in the service of the Batista dictatorship and to remove from the ranks of the proletariat to anarcho counselors that "[ ...] It is essential that they are the workers themselves to decide the disqualification of his past association leaders, because doing otherwise would fall into the same procedures as yesterday [...] combatiéramos [3]. The editorial of March 15, 1959 in the same libertarian publication, openly condemns "dictatorial procedures [...] agreements and mandates imposed from above steps, remove and put leaders. "It criminalizes the" unconditional elements [...] in the assemblies, which are not members of trade union body, lift arm for an order of the leaders. ". The man then describes some of the intimidation techniques implemented to achieve hegemony, "[...] are filled rooms in assemblies of armed militias constitute a blatant coercion, not respecting the regulatory requirements [...] is reached any type of procedure to maintain control of unions. "[4]
course, as well the saying" never too late if the criticism (that) is good "but the truth is not only tardy but are not very "happy" approaches from where the critical current timid calls for help throwing in Morse code scanned. It's funny now repeated criticism of the past and also is accepted in broad daylight that "sectarian This harmful practice continues to this day" and assert that "In Cuba, today, we see with vivid clarity the reactionary nature of sectarianism in those actions that create division, resentment and hinder social progress. "however, evades recognize that these same signs were displayed at the very beginning of the revolutionary process from a critical firmly committed with Socialism and Liberty. Also avoids examining in depth the core of the conflict.
As rightly pointed out the companion Ramón García Guerra "The issue requires thorough problematize the consequences of policies. Require further define who they benefit and who is hurt [...] The critical current popular unrest speculation while appealing to common sense. They know that the state of uncertainty makes people unhappy. As a solution to the dilemma, we now offer a return to those times when everything seemed to function well in society (curiously, the solution comes from those who imagine to obtain certain advantages return to the past.). The opposite reaction would be to encourage immobility to the changing demands of society. Means this policy is another way to speculate on common sense. Then you appeal to your fears. We are hostages to the final collective dreams and fears that prevent imagine other possible social realities. So the criticism that seeks to turn the discomfort we conscientiously to facilitate the change [...] [5] Similarly
raises the defense of an alternative way of outlining a "vision" same as not intended to impose on anyone "but disclose, discuss and find ways to be part of the solution, but rejected sectarian discussion and dissemination official mass media "[6], knowing that from the earliest stages of the Revolution was submitted for consideration of Cuban society a framework of questions and alternatives much deeper draft and was not only rejected but crushed with great violence and cruelty. Perhaps, this "ignorance" respond to these "collective fears that prevent imagine other possible social realities" that we print García Guerra.
course it is not necessary to have prior knowledge of many initiatives in the past attempted to pursue new alternative socialist reactionary barbarism against sectarianism that still lingers after fifty-one years of absolute hegemony. However, they consider of vital importance to the scrupulous study of the history of social-revolutionary movement, not only Cuba but also the social-revolutionary movement internationally, to avoid repeating mistakes or succumb to the same hazards and / or deviations.
would be very regrettable that the genuine concern of the Cuban libertarians, be transfigured again into ethereal controversial resources and we return to diagnose 'desire for stage role', 'political behavior careerists "and" political inclination to profitability [ 7], displaying a certain perversity congenital and / or a literacy
chronic ideological
emissaries Identifying and locating the sender address
At the beginning of this paper drew attention to the proliferation-enhanced in a particular way during the month of June (2009) - articles, suggestions, attacks and responses, made from the "co-criticism" and the "inside-contradictory", with the help of repeated calls for "revolutionary cohesion" and "dialogue without sectarianism" to the urgent transition to socialism in Cuba. [8] It
noted that this number of "messages" (beyond firms and / or anonymity) are located in a timely manner two emissaries, with conflicting political agendas despite certain similarities of speech and the similarity of objectives.
is detected at first glance, the presence of two warring factions with the same sender address:
1 .- The historical avant-garde Cuban Communist Party, of clear cut Stalinist majority and octogenarian, in public functions and high-level / or reserve under the plan "pajamas" and
2 .- The reformist impulse of a new generation of activists of the Cuban Communist Parido and tables near this institution, inspiration Trotskyist minority of between 40 and 60 years old, middle-level members or medium-low Cuban ruling elite [9]. It should also be placed in the vicinity of the trend towards a group of more heterodox intellectuals who communicates with a wide range of political doctrines, within the limits of Swedish social democracy and "communism" Italian Refoundation, through the English United Left and landing in the "socialism" XXI Century Bolivarian Chavez manufacturing.
Although, as the partner Armando Chaguaceda that force preferred the first option, currently underway, "the hybridization of barracks communism and capitalist policies (in its state and neoliberal) [10] "More on the tone of the reforms" Coca "[11] implemented by President-General. The second group, opt for the Fifth Socialist International Participatory and proposed as a "solution" Programmatic Proposals for a Participatory and Democratic Socialism (PDS), "made from within the revolution and the Communist Party" [12].
course, if we were to choose the lesser evil, without the slightest question, we adhere to this fraction. But that's not the case. Although we know in advance that it is feasible to engage in a debate (and to a dialogue) with representatives of the Reform Movement -In fact, in recent years to maintain an open debate as well, I would describe as fraternal, depending more on the personality of the interlocutor that the ideas he professes-thick recognize contradictions in their approach, which inevitably generate reluctance Still
insist, we recorded a huge difference between SPD spokesmen, loaded with good intentions, without a doubt, and the grandpas barracks. In this current reform can not be attributed a single murder, a betrayal, a conviction, a beating, a betrayal, however, the Stalinist barracks have been the protagonists of much outrage has been committed in Cuba over the past 77 years. However, we note with amazement as ready-perhaps inadvertently, by inertia or fear, to repeat the same "mistakes" committed in the past, its parent company. Deciphering the messages
Just fix it for this sentence Campos [13], to delve briefly commenting on these reservations before: "[...] more than ever necessary cohesion among the revolutionary ranks, without thereby stop the war of ideas within it to advance to socialism "(emphasis added). Immediately, two paragraphs later, states: "[...] The enemies of dialogue, exchange and understanding, the supporters of sharpening the contradictions, always oppose such moves and torpedoes look more anger and heightened tensions, "equating to" sharpen the contradictions in favor of "-that is, the social revolutionary aware of their role, with "enemies of dialogue, exchange and understanding." Any
fairly rational analysis leads us to conclude that we are facing a huge mismatch and requires us to question him like rope Campos dialectic, at least through the formulation of a couple of questions: a. - How do you intend "cohesion between revolutionary ranks without this end the struggle of ideas within it to advance socialism "without sharpening the contradictions or aggravate tensions of the struggle between the excluded and included? b. - Who seeks to discuss and reach an understanding without heighten tensions or aggravate contradictions?
The same text says, by way of plotting necessary, that: "It is time to insist on the need to complete the establishment of the new consensus on the society in which the Cuban people want to live, which can not be imposed, but stemming from the exchange between all revolutionary and Cuban all honestly interested in the welfare of the nation [...] Cuba must change in many aspects and many modifications have to be made to improve the political system to achieve a true participatory democracy and decision-making, as demanded by a society that seeks to build the socialist paradigm never reached [...] The Cuban people live decades of insecurity, subject to numerous uncertainties and a multitude of regulations imposed by all levels of bureaucracy that impede the life of ordinary Cubans, not knowing what will be the direction the government will, unable to plan medium and long term, depending on changing situations and decisions that do not participate [...] If we assume, with all its consequences that the bureaucratic system of property state wage labor and centralized decision-making and over, and failed legacy of Stalinism and therefore must be changed, not merely updated, the only progress is guaranteed ... to sag. Moreover, as the Sixth Congress to postpone indefinitely, not publicly report the approach of people, not make a discussion in the other revolutionary movements, can only be interpreted as an attempt to gain "time" waiting for a miracle revive the "model" ... disaster. Are socialized and democratized the system or falls. Cuban revolutionaries have already exposed many ideas. And then blame imperialism. The bureaucracy, and especially the dogmatic sectarianism prevalent in the areas of leadership of the party and government are preventing the frank dialogue and engaged in revolutionary within [...] In Cuba, today, we see with vivid clarity the reactionary nature of sectarianism in those actions that create division, resentment and hinder social progress. [...]. " Yet, he concludes: "[...] Some want to abandon the policy of" critical collaboration with government, party and assume the confrontation. I'm not going to qualify spent their intentions and methods, each will know his reasons, but we will not lend us a bell that can even seem out of the revolution or against it. What we do is always from the inside-contradictory. Personally, and from her she will die or live [...]. " It goes
clarify that I have no reason to doubt that Fields actually want the Cubans to appropriate all of their destiny and democratically participate in the debate to "establish a new consensus on the society in which the Cuban people want to live , "which can not be imposed" but stemming from the exchange between all revolutionary and Cuban all honestly interested "in a change in form and substance.
What arouses my suspicions is, however (after arriving here), Campos is instantly plunged into an untenable proposition, because any possibility that the Cuban people to endorse the ongoing conflicts and decide freely and autonomously, the society we want to live , passes inexorably by the abandonment of the policy of collaboration with the regime and government-game improvement. Actions which presuppose the need for socio-human emancipation for the full enjoyment of liberty. That freedom that is not limited to the bourgeois freedoms Donaire recognizes the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and fits in the narrow electoral polls of any circus but that only takes shape with the capacity individual and collective life decide freely and autonomously, without regard to any rule that co-opt. This, obviously, has nothing to do with paying a "little bells" counter as Campos suggests [14].
This fits me without a shred of doubt, knows what integrating current Campos. Perhaps down the road, everything can be reduced to the problem of disparities in ideological maturation times. But defining the matter is yet to be said.
Locating the one (s) recipient (s)
In general terms, one can identify two recipients to whom they are directed these messages, regardless of distinctions too notice the "color" of the fraction that are issued. Both sides address their SOS Party in two directions, outward and some other home-grown:
Outside, the recipients are their peers in seeking strategic support. Need arms and ammunition (albeit theoretical-ideological) that they be helped to fight this fratricidal war in which they face. Power win the game, depends on it. What these opponents fail to distinguish is the futility of such a struggle. The Cuban Communist Party is a huge white elephant stuck in a pool. As much as splash is destined to drown, whether clinging to continue swimming to nowhere or if you decide to drink as much water as you press. The strength and utility of the parties in the huge (and lost) an imperialist power that supports them. The Moscow gold allowed to keep all the posts they occupied with Batista and buy as many ministries, directorates and military ranks, deemed necessary to ensure survival and hegemonic control. Tons of weapons and millions of barrels of oil in exchange for sugar and fodder for military operations, ensured the prosperity of the viceroyalty comfortable "socialist" in full "cold war." It is no coincidence that Abraham Grobart (Fabio), one of the most faithful Comintern servers on the island, offers the General Secretariat of the Party (First Secretary) to "comrade Fidel in 1975, during the First Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba. Have not had much to offer would have never survived a distinctly bourgeois revolution nationalist, much closer (ideologically speaking) to the Italian National Socialist principles and revolutionary populism of Peron, which the Marxist legacy. Since then, the Leninist pragmatism would lead them to delve into the history and justify the common fatherhood (Georges Sorel) of both ideologies (fascist and Leninist).
Inside, the messages have a only recipient: President-General. Both factions agree on the search for recognition and are offered as "managers" as a means of salvation proposing the impending implosion. Some claim to sell "good to know" and the others from their gnawing pajamas or in positions of trust, seek to continue providing "Strange" proven product and timing that has allowed the perpetuation in power to the brothers proiects more than half a century. In short, the only thing that seems to unite the factions of the Party is the search for recognition and continuity in power, for it provided to assist the President-General. Both representatives of the SPD as the champions of Stalinism barracks are ready to reach out with the oxygen mask to revive the scheme: The opportunism is inherent in Leninism.
The old Marx was right when he argued that history, if repeated, returning in the form of comedy that was ever tragedy. Certainly, the Cubans and Lenin are ready to stage a mediocre comedy and aim has make his second performance. Once again we have to betray the social revolutionary movement, to all workers and people in general, only this time the calendar is two months ahead.
The picture nevertheless
encourages
These were the words, full of courage and optimism with which concluded that Solidarity editorial Gourmet January 1959, I mentioned at the beginning of this text, which accused the Central government "and the apparent 'authoritarian' beginning to take shape under the direction of the Castro brothers under the auspices of the Stalinist barracks. Fifty-one years later, these words may be revived meaning if and only if, it reaches the "cohesion" [15] of all the revolutionary ranks more heterodox and concrete "dialogue without sectarianism," not with the leaders of the regime but between the Socialists anti-authoritarian in search of alternatives to capitalism, if and only if consensus is reached between TOD @ S tireless fighter for the urgent transition to socialism in Cuba.
Bakunin, was able to scan early deviations and deformations that would come if not properly compaginábamos lots of Socialism and Liberty. Lucid That ruling states that "Freedom without Socialism is privilege and injustice Socialism without freedom is slavery and brutality", is of great relevance after learning firsthand the ravages of capitalism, Leninism under State schemes under the euphemism cynically baptized 'socialism really existing. "
never succeed "never reached the socialist paradigm, and juggling with abstractions dialectical or semantic accommodations and well-intentioned statements. If you really want to build a true direct democracy, self-management, participatory decision-making, based on the Socialism and Freedom, we must meet clearly defined political demands that can not lead to another course that is not threatening the cessation of institutionalized repression. Put another way: if you really want to extend direct democracy and encourage popular participation, there is no alternative to establishing a comprehensive system built on freedoms popular consensus and cohesion of the driving forces of anti-authoritarian socialism. This is in our hands and not the President-General or any other hierarch reactionary. And only be possible through the abolition of social prohibitions and the repeal of repressive laws and decrees, through recognition and respect for individual and collective freedoms (freedom of assembly, expression and movement), raising the self-management of local workers and peasants, promoting freedom of association and the autonomy of trade unions, federations and confederations of workers and peasants, rejecting all forms of exclusion, we want a Cuba, diverse and multifaceted, with room many tanks, and building a new society free of oppressed and exploited s s based on liberty, equality, solidarity, mutual support and respect for the ecology, biodiversity and love to Earth. As proposed by the Cuban Libertarian Movement (MLC), the "Six Basics of Consensus for Social Change", suggested as a "convergence minimum agenda" aimed at social change towards Socialism in Cuba "with the aim of consolidate insights and anti-authoritarian closer coordination within and outside of Cuba "on the growing interest of strengthening participatory and libertarian socialist movement.
As claimed, with that sagacity that characterized him, our dear Spósito: "There can be no operations in this great and once again be repeated as many times said, a social libertarian and socialist can not be conceived as the spontaneous result of a historical or legal gray area as a design leader or as an engineering operation in the form of central planning or as the automatic derivation of technological development nor as an accident or as a magical advent, a libertarian socialist society in Cuba as elsewhere, now both as at any other time, can only be the result of extensive regional decision and an endless succession of struggles and movements that form in the folds of the collective consciousness. Or, to put it more simply, in Cuba and thus will be self socialism, only if you want and what people decide and not for so generously provided some resolution from the top [...]. "[16]
Meanwhile, there is no popular participation and direct democracy, much less arrive at social paradigm never reached because it has not consummated by the grace of the good intentions of current intentions that integrates Campos. Failing that, we will have "more of the same" and continue stuck in the pathetic waiting for the designs of Cronos. During that will withstand the dictates from the hyperbaric chamber of the "Reflections of Coma Andante" for all eternity and the daily speculation about the reforms as announced by President-General. Hopefully tomorrow will not have to regret the spokesmen of the "June bug."
for Socialism and Liberty. Gustavo Rodríguez
San Luis Potosi, Mexico, June 25, 2010.
[1] The survivors of revolutionary anarchism from 1920 to 1940, grouped within the Federation Anarchist Groups of Cuba (FGAC) and International Solidarity Antifascist (SIA), agreed to hold a meeting earlier in the decade of 40 in order to regroup in a single organization libertarian effort, dissolving both agencies (FGAC and SIA) to form a new grouping called Libertarian Association of Cuba. (ALC). See Fernandez, Frank, Anarchism in Cuba, Libertarian Studies Foundation Anselmo Lorenzo, Madrid 2000, p. 73. In mid 1960 the ALC militants were jailed or exiled. Former members of this association would be in exile, in the year 1961, in New York City, the current Libertarian Movement Cubano (MLC).
[2] Vid. Solidarity Gourmet, Year X. Number 1, Havana, January 15, 1959, pp. 6-7.
[3] Signed by the Secretariat of Trade Union Affairs of ALC, dated January 18, 1959 and published in Solidarity Gastronomic February 15, 1959. See Solidarity Gourmet, Year X. Number 2, Havana, February 15, 1959, pp. 7 and 11.
[4] Vid. "Where is the labor movement, Solidarity Gourmet, Year X. Number 3, Havana, March 15, 1959, p. 2.
[5] Ramón García War "Against the silence of the arrow", available at http://www.kaosenlared.net/ news / for-real-socialism, Cuba
[6] Pedro Campos in "Cuba. Dialogue without sectarianism: the cohesion necessary for revolutionary ", available at http://www.kaosenlared.net/noticia/cuba-dialogo-sin-sectarismos-necesario-para-cohesion-revolucionaria
[7] Roberto Cobas in" Cuba and commitment to his socialist project beyond anarchism controversy "in http://www.kaosenlared.net/noticia.php?id_noticia=39087
[8] is worth mentioning that, in order to facilitate their study, I integrated into a single package and analysis articles virulent anonymous attack under chronological order as the sole criterion of unity, with order to highlight the increase of these "exchanges" in the course of this month
[9] In support of this assertion must be serviced only in the positions held by some of its leading exponents (beyond whether they have "fallen out of favor "at some point in their careers): Pedro Campos held diplomatic posts and was also Senior Research Project at the Center for U.S. Studies at the University of Havana, Roberto Cobas was Specialist Transportation Research Institute, Soledad Cruz was Cuban ambassador to UNESCO, the late Celia Hart was director of the Museum "Abel Santamaría" among others.
[10] Chaguaceda Armando, La Campana vibrant. Intellectual public sphere and power in Cuba: situation and prospects of a three-year period (2007-2010), Institute of Historical and Social Research, Universidad Veracruzana, Xalapa, Veracruz, April 2010, p.41.
[11] Co: Cosmetics inward and Ca: Capitalists out.
[12] Pedro Campos, Op cit.
[13] Ibid.
[14] Id
[15] "unity" that hides apparent subordination to a single thought and hegemony, as rightly emphasized Pedro Campos.
[16] Spósito Rafael (Daniel Barrett), from Fidel to Raul: Cuba in the Politi-Castros, Montevideo, 2009, Pág.170. In his forthcoming book "Cuba: The pain of not being anymore.
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