Author: Ramón García Guerra. Thesis
Philosophy of History.
Thesis 2: "(...) the image of happiness that these refuges deer is entirely tainted by the time it once and for all has relegated the course of our existence. And so does the representation of the past that makes his case history. "
Walter Benjamin (1940) ***
On the dilemma of Cuba.
Summary: State of cultural diglossia. Overmodernity status in society. System of political domination. Misrule and transition. Coloniality of power / knowledge. Individuation process of socialism. Orthodox policy reforms.
define Cuban society as a society in transition. (The process also extends for two decades.) Would be today, perhaps, to the fourth stage (2007/2012) - and final - of the process question. Period where you decide (or not) the recycling of previous societal model. Space where they discuss at least three projects of a new society. Mean that there is a lot of dilemmas that crowd and found no solution yet. In this chapter we reviewed - as the crow flies, light - only some of them. In particular, everything that resists change. In this sense, the three top issues that the summary should explain the fourth of those. The latter solution would be resolved only after leaving the last three issues of the summary. In a few pages outline a map of the case. (Mapping to officiate should also debut in this essay.) Denote in this chapter certain points of contact between the Cuban dilemma and regional reality. Because Cuba's dilemma is also a challenge for Latin America. The region is facing a radical change in civilization - as Darcy Ribeiro (Ribeiro, 1991) - whose historical cycle will close by mid-century.
Interestingly, the historical accounts in Latin America come to an unusual interest. From the outside we noticed some subtleties in the imagination of the Kirchner Peronist or more radical in the Bolivarian ideology by Chávez, for example. But not only at official level this change occurs. Proliferate historical summary of the anarchists in Latin America: Chile, El Salvador, Cuba, etc. .. It happens that "the memory space becomes a space of political struggle," said Elizabeth Jelin (Jelin, 2005) --. In that regard was specific in saying that: "The struggle over the meaning of the past is given in terms of political struggle today and the future projects" (Jelin, 2005). Also in Cuba is the same. We can talk about alternative histories and historiographical official discourse not only dissidents.
discuss such matters in the III International Seminar on the Politics of Memory in the nation of origin of Che Guevara. Convened under the title: "Remembering Walter Benjamin: Justice History and Truth, "as well. Be well posed the question: what to remember, what to forget? But there's more. Suffer from amnesia. Contribute to both the media about it, as they benefit the elite. We face today the "highest stage of oblivion in Latin America: amnesty and consensus" - as Jesus Martin Barbero (Barber, s / f) --. Fortunately, this seminar devoted a special chapter to the debate on the "Writings of Memory." On skin, walls or paper. We explore in this essay the heuristic value of certain foreign theories, including: English and French - who happen to be a corollary of Critical Theory. We estimate the value
criticism subversive. Fear of despots it confirms this belief. Can it be founded on other worlds, too. But ... so forget the face of what it would be critical? Fifty years later we have a history of the Cuban Revolution. Who benefits from this? The challenges facing Latin America today will be solved by the provision of knowledge, memories and emotions that make the cultural heritage of the peoples of the region. The topics listed in the summary is a condition of possibility for the development of critical thinking in a society like Cuba's transition. What we can offer A study on the marriage between knowledge and power in Cuba in the past five decades? The mythical island of Cuba is indeed a black box.
From outside Cuba turns out to be the promised land for many in the world. (In contrast to their enemies is only Hell.) Indeed, the myth, Cuba appears to be somewhat circular. The voice will leave the island to return to it as you would the echo from the bottom of the well. And again and again, will be launched in the background. But what remains of the original cry? After each round, what returns to Cuba? Can only a political ploy of some PC in Latin America would be covering his guilty conscience with samples of good conduct provide the Cubans? From an original revolution - that is, everything that might happen on the island during the 1960 - the rebels in Cuba manage to capitalize on the sympathy of the humble people throughout Latin America. Founded hope of change. [Then discussed three alternatives to post-war populist state: developmental, revolutionary dictatorship. Indeed, the rebel had his record output in 1952, Bolivia and Guatemala, 1954.] After Cuba continental reality is polarized in the extreme. History offers more radical moments in the 1970's, for example, Chile and Nicaragua. But there is the myth-Cuba.
what happened in Cuba after se repetirá en todas partes. Cuando en la década de 1960 eclosiona el sujeto popular en la política nacional, entonces, aflora la cultura oprimida del mismo –tal como la entendía Paulo Freire (1978)-- en criterios de justicia social por adoptar. (Entendamos que el movimiento que inaugura la Revolución cubana será un movimiento de reivindicación social y de oposición política.) Inevitablemente esta será una condición de partida que se repetirá en toda sociedad periférica que inicia una revolución radical de contenido popular. Un dilema que trataron los populismos de sortear en el pasado, pero que enfrentan hoy hasta los gobiernos más moderados por el cambio social. [Pienso ahora mismo en el Programa Lula's Zero Hunger and the Mission Barrio Adentro Chavez.] The social bases of memory among the masses are altered in the midst of such changes. Then talk a historian Cuban people without history. The debate among historians that occurs in Cuba, then, for the creation of a new sense of history that would justify such changes, closes with a speech by Fidel Castro on October 10, 1968 (1976). Continuing a centuries-old tradition of social struggle, the Cubans were now exposed to the Empire.
, thus constituting the regime's legitimacy. Basis for a system of political domination of society. [According to Hannah Arendt (2006), the power reaches its legitimacy the past, while the violence in the future.] The matrix populist transcends the Cuban Revolution - while the 1960 period proved to be the reappropriation of the most popular content from more radical populist project (Partido Orthodox) - decided on the articulation of this artifice of much-needed legitimacy to the use of political violence by the national government. Behind were the mambises nineteenth century. Ahead was the twentieth-century imperialism. The solution of continuity to the workers' state (1971 / 1989) - from the previous popular democratic state - is the fragmentation of society. During this process were
modified memory media. The community is affected by the revolutionary change in the 1960's. Local societies (closed) implode because of the high internal migration induced by the policies of the Cuban State. People lost their anchors. Then the family is fractured. Rearticulation spaces of the community, in the 1970's, found other social identities and encourage new loyalties. Cubans are no longer identified by place of residence to come to recognize group activity. The official rhetoric was for meritorious work in the workshops, while the popular choice was inclined to work in offices. The 90s made people return to starting places. Everything was different about them. Definitely, now strangers at home. The state of diglossia
had opened between rhetoric and reality, between high politics and popular sovereignty, and so on. Liturgical forms end up distorting (or cancel) the identities of origin, thus creating a system of political dialogue to be held on a set of masks itself spurious. Stage recorded in Cuba. Policies emptying of memory - as would the denial of the anarchist origins of Cuban Marxism, for example - were followed by workers to mediocrity the consciences of the Cubans. [More extravagant policy would that published in Cuba - by thousands - texts that reproduced the Marxist vulgate (Soviet) against a libertarian tradition alien to it.] Then there emerges a system of political domination fracturing society in small countries without a vision of wholeness.
When insurgent rage is reduced, and space charge military dictatorships in the Southern Cone, the cultural policies of the Cuban Revolution become accomplices of symbolic violence that take the workers, which also coincides with physical violence applied the Latin American fascist military. [What are the fascists and Stalinists in common - say Franz J. Hinkelammert (1999), rightly - would be the negation of utopia.] We would say that starting the political spectrum in Latin America had now become polarized reactionary policies against their peoples. Because a peripheral society has reduced quotas that prevent self-articulated as open societies without compromising its political sovereignty. Defense policies of these companies are forced to turn in on themselves. (The same will happen in Chile, Argentina and Brazil where nationalistic ideology makes some source of legitimacy for these fascist states.) We must understand these internal processes and trends affecting the whole continent beyond the borders of these countries. The system of political domination that was articulated in Cuba then, for example, was founded on three basic elements: a) create economic anchors outside the town, b) establishment of a police-bureaucratic state against society, c) adoption of some strategy of mass popular culture.
[We should make a distinction of the historical stages that beat the Revolution in five decades. Because this analysis will help establish an informed assessment of the process. Between 1959 and 2001 closed the historical cycle of a model of society that we have described as egalitarian socialism, and that within socialist transition period we identify as a stage for "crude and vulgar" socialism. (Following the Carlos Marx's "Critique of the Gotha Program.") Decades of 1960/1990, respectively, would be the historical stages of the foundation and collapse of the model in question. 60s would be located at the end of Cuban populism: as a radical version of that ideology. The 90s, however, are integrated into a process of transition from the model of society and which will be articulated in the XXI century. Thus covering two decades. We believe that the moment of climax of egalitarian socialism occurred in the decades of 1970/1980. We distinguish two turning points in that historical period: one in 1971/1975, and another between 1985/1989. Exactly in the period between 1975/1985 the hegemony of the workers is crucial. Over that span of time we apply to make the criticism of that model. Of course, not all forces opposed to change will be a survival of this stage of the ongoing process. But the worst does come from there.]
From a system of political domination that fragmented society in small countries without a vision of wholeness, and always tended to play the old structures of exclusion left by previous peripheral capitalism as an inheritance, was possible pave the increasing complexity involving the individuation process initiated by the revolution in early 1960. The measures taken by social demands of the Cuban Revolution (type man-mass) led to a sophistication of society (male-type person). In this sense, these power structures tried to simplify the emerging new social realities. Racist attitudes were considered resolved by decree, when in reality the state policies were being racist. The system of political domination in question reproduced internal colonialism segregation of wealth and territories to allow an integrated national police control circuit de la sociedad.
La situación de desgobierno que está evidenciándose en Cuba en la actualidad, --que trata de cubrir la retórica oficial con un simulacro de cambios que van dejando todo en el mismo lugar—hace evidente la presencia de sectores críticos en la sociedad. El sistema de dominación política demuestra cierta obsolencia ante la realidad de sobremodernidad (Augé, 2001) que ahora mismo estará afectando a la sociedad cubana. Enfrentando así a un Estado “analógico” en contra de una sociedad “digitalizada” --que no registra aquél--. Definitivamente, sería esta última –y no el Estado-- la que daría la medida del repliegue del socialismo en Cuba durante the difficult early years of the special period (1991/1993). The popular wisdom will be higher than before the political and academic knowledge, then, for example, while all face this extreme limit.
Amid these changes, the company lost all grip. The agency that dominated the political map of the same era the government and the second was held in front of the unspeakable. This gave him decided advantage because of the experiences that every Cuban was taking in the march. "Experience is unitary and continuous plurality of knowledge," said Walter Benjamin in 1918 (Benjamin, 1991) --. It was known in Cuba just what happened every day, and only that. Certainly people are reluctant to think it was something definite what is now happening across the country. And that covered the deficit leaving the handouts of a State was in trouble right now. So people invented other state in the absence of the former. The same could happen with other "citizens" who inhabited the hills of Caracas before Chavez.
pitching changes later today some leftist governments in Latin America, in principle, try to pay the social debt to their villages with the help of the Cuban State. Leaving for later a discussion of the sign adopted by the reforms (in progress) of the political regime in Cuba, "as a matter of internal sovereignty within the competence only Cubans meet - the leftist forces are digging a mismatch (or asynchrony) within the offensive set out the same cast. Criticism of the process of change in the continent should not be considered as a matter of national sovereignty. Because the progress of all affected parties. Then a parish would be deepening the political divide that obstructs the libertarian action in progress. To paraphrase the Cuban poet Raúl Hernández Novas say: When on the road to freedom have set foot, then, we have freedom. The best way to be our American would be to exercise as such from today. The national agenda is as specific as would be the Continental when it comes to exclusion, emancipation, development, and so on. In each country there is a political spectrum that integrates various forces whose interests they jump the borders of their countries. The fight is continental at this time.
I
ideological and cultural processes.
Summary: A cultural approach to the political process. Popular subject, collective historical memory and common sense. Dialectics of the imaginary of society. Dialogue of knowledge: an analysis of the joints in the process.
Indeed what is society? "Interaction? A game individuals and things, just? Consider meeting between individuals, or their relationship with objects - as a society, as Castoriadis (1997), would be denied social status on those. (To be social?) Because, says the Greek philosopher - "Man exists only (in and through) of society." He adds: "(...) the company is always history." Castoriadis tell completing this syllogism: "People and things are always social creations. But what society holds it together? The institution, which makes life a whole society. [Then Castoriadis says that: Being is time. And the latter, clear, would be unthinkable without the creation. A creation "ontological" as well. This is still creating new forms. Because society is a way!] Happens that individuals would be forced to do society. Why? Because it produces themselves. Since then, the social relationship between individuals results in a material that will be crossed by social meanings also motivate society. ("Society is a system of interpreting the world, Castoriadis would say.) The dilemma arises when the company instituted blocks that power and creative self (instituting) new social forms. Then it is not time being, but it turns into a rude being-in-the-world. This dilemma is reflected in the endless battle between the company and instituting institutional society. The old society is modified by the new company. But there will never be empty in the middle.
instituting society is the Self of the social-historical. What counts here are the imaginary then give meaning to society. (Of course, institutions have also order the world.) Because the material modes of existence are modified by a radical imagination, which ultimately end up giving this material other social meanings. This would be a mistake of vulgar Marxism that reduces social forms to the physical support of those. [Does this mean that material things come alive for themselves?] What affects the open society would be heteronomy that causes the closing of it. Opening statements would be the antithesis of a closed society. Only a political cultural approach would reveal the social conditions that facilitate the instituting power to remake society instituted. Again and again. The closed society is religious, never autonomous. Autonomous society would be one, however, reaching the expanded reproduction of itself in time. "This partnership begins to question his own institution, its representation of the world, its representation social imaginary, "says Castoriadis -. Definitely, vulgar Marxist dogmas fail to recognize all the singularity of the social-historical, to finish them entangled in a sterile objectification of society that hinders the autonomy of it.
From this view of Castoriadis on the social-historical and creative act, we have seen fit to give other developments that facilitate the contextualization of events and social phenomena discussed in this essay. Hold in two cases this analysis: 1) The states of certainty created pleasure. The uncertainty creates anxiety states. 2) Social processes are self-correcting and not exponential - as Darcy Ribeiro (1991) --. Following the vision of Varela and Maturana's autopoietic on human communities, in addition, we have noted cycles of history in societies that occur with some regularity over time. Explain this finding certain social balances that ensure the certainties that are necessary for smooth reproduction of society. (Disqualify this, moreover, the supposed linearity of the progress of that society.) Indeed, every society, reached its moment of climax - tends to close the change. When the system of domination is broken, then the society will open the questioning of all its structures. But it is not in any way or manner. Stay pending analysis of otherness, as a condition of possibility of social-historical process - given in the context of established society that decides. Queiroz also estimate socioregulativa role of cultural tradition. [At this point it would be worth returning to Walter Benjamin and his thesis on the history. While the memory of the past is responsible for heritage, but never as a legacy - the space in dispute.] These last two sets of view-that is, otherness and tradition - the approach would argue that the study now available this essay. Located in this episteme only three events successfully catch our attention: memory, knowledge and identity. In this regard the State policies are crucial in peripheral societies like ours.
The tradition of the oppressed teaches us, as Benjamin (1940) - which humanity living in a state of emergency almost infinite. The story must accommodate this reality. Everyday resistance practices are creative, affirmative and founding. We practice a perpetual civil war. Elites create forms of domination that seek to restrain the masses. While we are convinced of the infallibility of domination, Michel Foucault, - by that time - Michel de Certeau warned us of small revenges that daily crowd charged against her. But these struggles have been able to alter the magnitude of asymmetries but not his sense (Abal, 2007). We are in a low-level resistance. The strength of this resistance is in the dispersion of shares. Also its weakness. How to avoid the latter? We as a solution in memory processes that are pro-active.
suggest that the cultural theory of the collective memory of oppressed peoples that may result from efforts to free them from the colonial status they have it until today, emphasize three elements that are critical in this regard: body, experience and action ( Colombres, 2004). Especially since the non-discursive forms of memory collectively - as a defensive reaction that produces the mass consumer society - are among the lower classes more space. [This dilemma is particularly difficult in Cuba. Cuban society is facing a hedonism that resulted from the articulation of a balance of forces in late 1990. Mass culture that encouraged ninguneo statist, now complete with the emergence of the market in that period. Then the dilemma of homophobia is not a solution.] Non-discursive forms of collective memory also attend the instituting power today as chronotope clutter the institutional society. Embodied habit-memory, thus acquiring identity to develop into releasing agent society as a whole. Replaces even legitimation function traditionally fulfilled inserted textual memory. Cultural studies have been reaping these subjects silenced. (It would suffice to refer to the literature we use in this essay.) Propose, in this sense, reveal the emotional map that would be implicit in the social struggles of these peoples. [Because they were not ideologies that save people, - said Ernesto Sabato (1992) - but some "everyday heroism against the misery" in those. Ie "the stupid hopes of people ".] According to Ana Carolina Ibarra (Ibarra, s / f):" It is the task of the historian to record the secular weight of mental representations on collective commitments that have lost their persuasive power in the present circumstances. " It is only fair.
then left the body as the center of the action. The world that embodies the ingrown habit-memory is a world of experiences that are reflected in the emotions of people. This forces us to deduce the non-textual memory, or implied - from the context that surrounds them. Emotional maps of society are those that show the quality of the relationships of people to space. Spaces that are lived in freedom or, in contrast, are denied policies of terror. [Crossroads and darkness, - as Teresa del Valle (...) - for example, make the chronotope of gender. (Specifically, generic chronotope lonely darkness.) Silence and guilt, however, - in front of the police state - make the chronotope of Cuba.] Unfortunately, the politics of fear has contributed to raising the effectiveness of systems of domination peripheral political societies. (In a beautiful speech by José Martí, - in Steel Hall - accused those "who obscure intelligence with fear.") Overcoming fear these spaces requires open ourselves to live in freedom. "All companies should be designed in a future, says Castoriadis (1993) - which is essentially uncertain and random. " The solution must be political in that it involves a clear reflection and collective action to put into discussion instituted society.
But what is politics? Politics is the project of autonomy "in the view of Castoriadis (1993) --. ["Rule? Yes give oneself laws.] Autonomy emerges as infinite autoreflexibilidad questioning the meaning of the institution. The policy, autonomy and philosophy, all of them are instances of a power that discusses instituting institutional society. Reflective and deliberative agency to free the radical imaginary (instituting), Castoriadis find it in subjectivity. "The creation of policy takes place because the institution is questioned and its various aspects and dimensions ..."-precisely the Greek philosopher -. Castoriadis, however, never questioned the asymmetries that underpin the policy. Because politics is just a recognition of such asymmetries to "negotiate." But not a denial of the latter. [Once these asymmetries policy loses its reason to exist.] On this basis, creates a play of forces in society. The solution that we offer Castoriadis then is democratic and philosophical type with the dilemma of heteronomy affecting modern societies today. The political-philosophical output in question, finally, becomes center positions to give up a social-historical horizon for non-authoritarian society. More radical policy option Castoriadis we decided to return to Karl Marx: Critique of Hegel's political right (Marx, 1976). In this text Marx refers to a particular situation, but, in turn, supreme - within civil society: the political state of that society. We prefer to speak then of the political state of society.
II
Policies memory, knowledge and identity of the Cuban State.
Contents: Cultural Politics of the Cuban Revolution. Sources of legitimacy of the regime. Processes of identity construction. Official historiographical discourse. Institutionalization of social sciences. Practices in policy dialogue. Political elitism, egalitarian values \u200b\u200band struggles.
denounce a lack of historical memory among Cubans. Fifty years later, "he said - we have a history of the Cuban Revolution. However, the historical archives of the State Council are full of documents that record the details that process. On that mountain data-that only the elect have access to it - could be articulated in different historical readings to finish arguing opposite causes. The owners of memory in Cuba are betting that two-thirds of Cubans take any pre-1989 analysis as an archeology of knowledge less than worthless. Exploit more apologetic side of these files, a feature-elective critical of them. (We now in the kidnapping of a popular opinion that shows the official record of the last debate to be held in Cuba in late 2007.) Happens that obstructs access the State Secrecy Law. In this abbey is marked each statement for power.
Obviously, a larger influx of foreign ideological trends on the minds of Cubans, while imposing such barriers to the cultural reproduction of society as the historical stages of the process. Could indicate the critical moments where the appropriation of open space alien ideas in Cuba: dependency theory, cultural revolution of 1968, thought of liberation, postmodernism, postcolonial and subaltern studies, among many others. The process of appropriation of these ideologies has been determined by three factors: a) The internal process logic would be the basic element that has finally been instrumental in this Intercultural dialogue has also been affected the country's political life; b) The act of censoring the Cuban state has created voids and / or bottlenecks that affect the heteronomy that eventually prompt a defensive reaction on the part of social actors excluded c) The social sectors that are identified with a certain national identity, popular reaction against the excesses foreignizers those who demand a more open society. The charge is accommodated in the path. The official rhetoric to justify narrow nationalist policies of the Cuban state that it took all the blame on foreign aggressor and its internal agents.
us discuss, for instance, the final destination anti-communism in Cuba after 1959. To understand this issue was not sufficient historical and social data that would provide the 1960's: a) the growing prestige of the communist ideas given by the association of these with the results of a popular revolution under way in that decade, or b) given adherence to such ideas as a result of the escalation of U.S. imperialist aggression against the Cuban people after that date. The strength of the radical imagination in Cuban society was due to the libertarian spirit that had been forged since the mid-nineteenth century and had been felt in all social struggles of the twentieth century. It happens that for some reason the anarchist ideas of Proudhon Cuba had gained ground since the middle of last century (Fernandez, 1980). In this sense, the greater influence of Bakunin will occur when the world-system, between 1870 and 1930 - closing a historic cycle total, which also carries these peripheral societies towards a "historic renovation," Darcy's terminology Ribeiro -. Entresiglos, these classes will be more active in Cuban cities.
When the power elite left confused with the right, in the late 60s (Nueva Trova case) only if he was closing doors to radical imagination that he had thought he had found the opportunity to rebel event institutions such as effective partnership. The new song only be explained from the libertarian spirit that emerged in Cuba during a stage of that process of radicalization started in 1959. During this historic period of the Cuban Revolution, the Orthodox - being a smaller force within the political spectrum - a strategy that met stealthy victorious. The mode of dissent from those of Stalinism was being Trotskyist. But ... might ask the following question: Are the attitudes dissidents in Cuba against Stalinism were only Trotskyist? No. Even, I think the Cuban Trotskyists are influenced by that imaginary radical tradition was libertarian in Cuba. Different is the situation in Cuba perestroika that survive today. Exactly, they are not libertarians: ideas is another sign. Means that they have been somewhere in between before surrendering to the market, other utopias to defend other than accepting the reality of capital in a better place. Delivered
them some spontaneity will be the confirmation of that voluntarism that still practiced the historic leaders of the Cuban Revolution. Are just the other side of the coin. They appeal to common sense to persuade his former military commanders, when, in truth, they do not understand the "realities" that now rub on the nose of those - other blind Cuba -. But where does all this blindness? Present policies of the Cuban state has tried to take the public all the time behind a better future, and engaged in contingency tasks-all epic - that occur (ad infinity) in a self-referential process that ends up blocking all self-criticism. Then they find themselves the victims of their own traps. For so long with the keys to that jail in the hands at night that they forgot to count the stars out on the lawn of the courtyard.
[political figure of Fidel Castro - in decades - has been distorted by attitudes mental end up being complicit in an analysis model that conceals internal flows that move to reality. Then he gives a bad film at a local cinema, "Funes, a president of Cuba." (At this point I refer to "Funes the memoirist" by Jorge Luis Borges.) Of course, do not avoid a discussion about the style egomaniac, megalomaniac transcendentalist and politics that identifies all the accomplishments as a statesman of Fidel Castro. Prefer, instead, speak of distortions instituting power of an individual, rather than continue this sterile personalism that clouds with that analysis. On this occasion I shall not fully on this issue. The focus of analysis would be done would refer to the epistemic bases of the leader and the influence of the egalitarian society that will be back.]
Changing conditions in the 1990's was very difficult because the collective memory had been systematically subjected to a process of emptying all senses that prevented critical distance from reality. The messages were simple but effective: "Forget the past: no use of him." (And the dialectic what?) "Turn setbacks into victories, always." ("Setbacks from whom?)" No doubt: all future time will be better. " (But if the future is today ... What to do?) However, the town was never a docile herd of sheep. The lack of news that Radio Bemba supplemented with rumors indicating at least two aspects of a dilemma: how do we represent the world? First of all, not all lack of information deserves the attention of the masses. Then, as a result of the high contingency of the process begun in 1959-which facilitated the desmemorización of society - it happens a defensive reaction which tended to stereotype the events to set milestones that help then to subject junior to deal with extreme situations in the future. Faced with the editorial Granma - godsend - reserve readings "contextualize" the political message. Inexplicably, never before spoke of ethnic conflicts in the socialist camp. The dilemma of the nationalities had been resolved. But today gave us a spooky story in the Cuban press: War in Kosovo! Then he was dead silence on the subject. Clearly, we face shapes to represent reality quite different.
know beforehand what the Cubans to read the official press is that you must decipher that message. This last officiating as a message passed under the door. (Semiotics also draws on the experiences of these social issues.) We understand the memory acts as a living process of recovery, upgrades and constructs that begin to give meaning to historical reality and eventually foist social identities-as both subject to events - in society (Jelin, 2005). A dialogue with the experience that is recycled. Perhaps the most significant event to try to distinguish these logics cross of historical memory and collective in Cuba would be the creation of the nation's founding myth in the 1960's. In this regard, the official discourse of the politicians spend (1968) to academics (1994) to get bogged down the same in the nineteenth century. The politicians just talk about legitimacy there where scholars refer to identity. But "no one makes history with this," says the popular voice ironically -. The lack of an official history of the process begun in 1959, then, would be supplemented by a popular story that makes philosophy with the most intimate details of the process. Just today is being updated on myth-poem Cuba by the crowds. Cuba
The mythic image is now updated at least five generations of Cubans will be marked by a certain hedonism that resulted from the articulation of the status quo prevailing in the late 1990's. (Specifically, between 1996 and 1998.) Adding to this, was activated colonial status society (peripheral) Cuban in this decade. Cultural policies of the Cuban State could not avoid the exoticism of some aspects of national identity. [The fight for market niches in tourism-off Cancun and the Dominican Republic in the Caribbean - induces a folklorization of popular culture. This happens also when marketing techniques have become the philosophy of the period.] Then the social fabric of society was rearticulated on new market bases. However, autonomy shares were growing sectors in this decade, reaching a capacity on the response to factors such disintegrating national identity. The most damaging was that system of political domination in Cuba - it was introduced in the '70s - proved to be the Cubans have turned into simple leaves thrown into the wind. They were all warned. Fracture the popular political subject would have such results. Defending the identity of the subject of the revolution Che Guevara (1965) would be final. Just said in 1965: "We must not create either docile servants of official thought, or 'fellows' who live under budget, exercising freedom in quotation marks." The current Cuban state disciplinary policies seem to have understood those lessons of history.
The issue of identity affects the political dialogue system continues to operate on the basis of exclusion of dissident sectors of the Cuban socialist model. The official rhetoric defined as the subject of the revolution to "the people of Cuba" (1959), first, to say after the "working class" had occupied the place (1976). Identified as the subject chosen to lead the process of transition to socialism in Cuba, politically and ideologically, the working class was only the addition of the industrial adventure performed by the State workers (1971/1989). The power of the police state was applied in the work of dissident invisible to anyone who opposed him. Action to correct and was not triggered just as the enthusiasm of the people had fallen, but when the politics of criminalization of poverty had reached its height. Exactly when the prisons were filled with prisoners.
identity recognized by the Constitution (1992) now takes the working class with the subject of the revolution. This definition continues to be a bad translation of a certain ideology productivist policy offered as efficient now when trying to discipline society. (Militarizing, colleagues say.) Productivism fracturing the process of social reproduction of society as well, while the consumption relative adjective production of goods and services. The arrangements for political dialogue, then, confirms this situation by subordinating the political status of the Cuban municipality. Hundred sixty-nine municipalities have to accept some allowance from the Government expected a budget which is detached from local realities in the former. Decreased so the public would be absurd to imagine a democratic exercise of public freedoms in favor of the Cubans. The only thing we could expect would be just a gross manipulation of public affairs.
As for the power elite was critical help of the social sciences - in the 1970 - given the increasing complexity of Cuban society, then sorts the social research institutes that remain to this day. Social sciences in Cuba take a final institutional form (70s) to meet the simulation to confirm the regime's political thesis. [Indeed, because the latter did not need the whole truth to move forward.] The academic model that would take this process of institutionalization of social sciences in Cuba, each investigator gave official status of the institute in question. That is, the school reduced the individual to a piece of a machinery that was also tamed by a political elite. They formed an army with lots of questions But there was only one answer in all cases: The political theses must be confirmed by the studies undertaken. Scientific research institutes were not only broken into two sections-understood: those ascribed to the Academy of Sciences, and those integrated into the Council of Ministers -, but also all were thwarted in Higher Education. Educational texts that made up the curriculum at the universities were brought from the Soviet Union by an elite of experts who had gone to study Social Sciences from the socialist camp 1970. This situation also endures today.
On the one hand, social scientists have been state-centered vocation that keeps them from noticing the absurdity of the reduced. State policies in periods of revolutionary offensive against the market have never offered an effective alternative to it. Politicians and academics are discussed in this conflict without a solution to this dilemma. (Definitely, this dilemma is false.) When a mapping of non-market areas of the economy are social consumption funds distributed by the state, domestic work-family mutual relations in the community, and remittances that are sent from abroad. Obviously the field including commercial-wage work in this area - is only a very small part of the national economy. What happens is that the commercial logic of this area is converted into the economic logic of the Cuban regime. Finally, all the data recorded by the system based thereon.
Moreover, cognitive deficits in the social sciences will be a result of the colonial status of the same. Specifically, this situation is expressed as a system of contradictions between the demands of ethno-cultural policy and process for the workers' state. In another trial made an inventory of evils that afflicted the Cuban government at the end of the decade 1980 (Garcia, 2010). Then he said: "The policy against under-consumption by the workers' state (without correcting the cultural patterns that supported it), the adoption of an industrialization strategy (failed) that borrowed to the economy, the creation of a system of political domination fractured society, the adoption of technocratic management methods that were betting on a market spontaneity in the midst of the "socialist transition" slowed progress of the economy - with very low productivity rates - which increased external dependence; etc., all together, would jeopardize the governance of the Cuban regime. " What are the solutions offered so Cuban scientific institutions? Nothing. "Life is to Whistle" - as the title of a film by Cuban Fernando Perez -. In this sense, social scientists have never managed to give effective responses to the challenges that has faced the Cuban regime in the past five decades, primarily because they were not instituted to solve problems of this nature but to justify state policies taken.
Perhaps the greatest dilemma of Cuban social sciences that relates to autism practice against other knowledge. An analysis dialog knowledge against extreme situations in the history of the Cuban Revolution would be revealing. Let's say the very execution of political and academic knowledge (or expertise) to the extreme situation of the first half of the decade of 1990. In the midst of a national emergency that experts are dedicated to holding the reins of the current process or, instead, just to articulate a marriage timer with common sense. Popular knowledge of the period, and labor, arts, community, religious, domestic, environmental, etc. - instead, negotiate the situation from a critical distance warning transience affecting livelihoods daily that were a result of this extreme situation (special period).
The issue of dialogue of knowledge calls into question the limits of social research in a class society. "Missing the ideological-cultural mechanism that allows the investigation and uprooting of the weeds - warned Che Guevara (1965) - multiply so easily in the fertile ground for state subsidies." But no. After five decades, what is the current situation in Cuba? The police control exercised by the departments of Culture, Ideology and Science of the Central Committee of Communist Party of Cuba on artistic research, journalistic and scientific grounds for refusing such demands of Che Guevara. During the 1990 institutional model that was wrecked when information flows were no longer controlled by the mechanisms established by the State thick workers. What is happening now concerning the obsolescence of the conceptual and institutional support should ensure independent social research of social actors.
However, more complex deficit is related to the continued employment of codes of censorship of workers against the exercise of discretion in Cuban society. The practices in question adhere to antimimetismo describing the spiral of chauvinism. Finally, nationalist ideology ends up being redirected by the wiles workers towards the establishment of a closed society in 1970. Then, the cycles of critical consciousness in Cuba - outside the habitat that justifies this device - just always being squeezed by ideological control strategies are selective about the exercise of discretion by the state bureaucratic police until today. We could talk about some criticality drowned in the late 1980's. The cases have been further explored the inquisitorial process against the Centre for American Studies (1991), as well as the route of the visual arts from Volume I (1980) and the Castillo de la Fuerza (1989). But this story is water under the bridge for two-thirds of Cubans. Exploring some criticism from the right strategy against the police state in the XXI century. Since 2007, certain critical sectors of Cuban society have been used as display Internet sites, to place there critical analysis that troubles the national reality swipe making police checks on dissident groups within Cuban society. Indeed, a strategy was effective but not enough to change the dynamics of the ancien regime. In this sense, the middle class has shown its political limits in the middle of the offensive left critique in Cuba (2007/2009). Lacking
methods Statist effective conscription of Cuban society, have chosen the agents of reaction by using ideological and cultural forms that were instituted during the workers' state (1971/1989). Definitely dramatic the situation is today. The reins broke unresolved. The employment policy of the State - as a control mechanism - failed. Collapsed the ideological that ensured the "mobilization" of the crowds. State policy now follows the strategy to improve living conditions in regions with medium-sized cities "- that could counterbalance to the influence of critical segments of society. [They capitalize and some resistance to internal colonialism played in the national hegemonic circuit comprising the steps cities.] happens that the egalitarian socialist model trying to modify has a law that is justified in the majority. The critics of the scheme to those regions would be minorities to regain their "hope" as a result of state policies in question. For these regions the springs ideological remain more or less effective. The challenge from the left in Cuba will unleash a critical attack that overflows the boundaries of the recovery to be performed. This will require travel to the bottom of the pot. Radicalized and reforms. Strategies
III
libertarian.
Summary: Imaginary radical libertarian tradition in Cuba. Escritorales autonomous practices. Libertarian historical readings. Junior cinematic discourse. Process countercultural dissent. Identity of the subject of the revolution.
The study of the cultural nuances that have sustained a tradition of freedom in Cuba goes back to the seventeenth century colonial. The time at which it is articulated, however, lies in the mid-nineteenth century. It was under the influence of anarchist ideas of Proudhon, who by then are anti-authoritarian but not anti-statism as after. The cultural matrix of this tradition will result from multiple human factors-Iberian, indigenous, African, Moorish, etc. - that make up the "creole society" in this Caribbean island and a colonial policy for nearly a century, would throw their lot. The origin of it, however, coincides with the flowering of the cities. Then come the middle class in society - little or nothing connected to the slave at the time - and face the colonial regime from that anarchism that connects with the liberalism that had toppled the ancien regime in Europe. Legal expression of this discontent would be in the priest Félix Varela, for example. But another current libertarian ideas finds its way into the nineteenth century colonial society in Cuba. Afro-Cuban ethnic struggles between councils, barracks and tethering to arrive at the libertarian end wars of this century, which also coincide with the transnationalization of the world system. During the twentieth century that tradition has been updated twice, 20s and 60s. Overweight and followed one another by default. The deficit found in the revolution of 1933 was due, in large measure - the distorting effect that produced the first. Counterculture attitudes of the second - in my opinion - prevented the process of radicalization of the revolutionary process in this period became socialist libertarian.
course, this tradition is ignored by the power. Trying to find from the crowd silenced a response to the current regime, critics have believed countercultural attitudes find a reason to proclaim the coming collapse of it. (Unintentional, even they get to use the mute group theory of Edwin and Shirley Ardener.) But they are facing a blind protest runs throughout society. Good understanding of this phenomenon requires recognition that the scheme produces alterations after crush it to continue. Hippie culture in Cuba, for example - as reggaeton, now - can only be explained given the dynamics this scheme: as a compensatory action to the same deficits. When a critical consciousness cycle closes, without achieving at least its translation into social change, then, achieves a scheme without having to give up their original identity. After beating both these "offensive" critical ends instituted some "sanity." The popular voice says: "This is not no grave. Nor will fix something. " Cuban society is only now have the opportunity to discuss the whole experience of having lived through a revolution that seems to restore it to its starting condition. [Where is that Land of Smiles we once were? A strong statement for a faceless heroism than five decades. There will not be another opportunity for so many lives.] Changing the look will not solve this serious dilemma.
All these issues were discussed at the beginning of the process in 1959. In this regard, between the speech of Comrade Fidel Castro ("Words to the Intellectuals") at the National Library in 1959, and he offered in 1968-the occasion of the celebration of the "One Hundred Years of struggle" - happens a national debate over the historical sense that it should assist the Cuban process. In this context lies heterodox reading advocated by the Cuban historian Walterio Carbonell about the origins of national culture. Then Walterio said: "With us still reigns bookish aristocratic conception of culture." Constituted an opposition to a hegemonic discourse within the City Legal. The historical interpretation offered by this Cuban intellectual (mestizo and homosexual, to boot) was legitimized in speeches: Schiler and Césaire. The management of the Leninist thesis on the two cultures -opresora/oprimida-- within each national culture, of course, is just a rhetorical element that opponents used to justify the criticism that he did. This happens at that time (1959/1968) with respect to the memory of the nation. In terms of this debate is ongoing identity by Cuban filmmaker Landrián Guillén. Guillen's artwork Landrián rescues the memory-habit embodied in the daily lives of Cubans. In my opinion, the most suggestive in its documentalistes will be in the play of language that makes those Guillen. It seems as if truth told (subordinate). For later engage in translating the testimony before an audience unaccustomed to city dwellers such dark environments, humble, dejected. [Images supporting texts. As was done with the silent film.] Anticolonial criticism that foisted against the City Legal Walterio was now held by Guillén Landrián.
The attitude of sentencing regime was ostracized both Cuban intellectuals to death of both. In the 2000's, beside the body of egalitarian socialism which produced such attitudes, the young Cuban filmmakers show us to the forefront a film that records the results of that adventure. Could provide an image contrast of these Cuban filmmakers in front of the official rhetoric, which for five decades has promised to let us paradise in hell. But no. The best of these young filmmakers would find to be regarded as showing a new awareness of time as shown in his critical works about the Cuban reality. The bill for such work can be uneven in quality, but its optical agree to adopt this critical distance that an adjustment of accounts with the ancien regime. For a decade this cinema shows libertarian (MJR) has become a space jumps, to be recognized by the institution (ICAIC) as a cultural-political party uncomfortable - before it. Social criticism of these young people dealing with racism, homophobia and elitism affecting Cuban society today. Adopting the historical sense is not negative: The official rhetoric had alienated the present meet in a Utopia. The picture offered by these filmmakers now face the realities that Utopia are the result of that "Process" that failed. The artistic technique used is based on codes that try to deconstruct postmodern sense of history that resulted in political disaster. The popular subject record is affected by their subordinate status. Language used also articulates this "second orality", which would make their documentary film - escritorales autonomous practices are a result of popular creation. They are, in short, a hope.
[codes that honors this language (escritoral) affect the identity function of the radical imaginary of society, because the writing is un-power without exhausting itself in the oral-people. (In the study of these cultural practices I deal extensively in a book (unpublished) received honorable mention at the Andres Bello Prize in 2006.) Indeed, the merit in these filmmakers are in the appropriation that make a language that can be created by the crowd. When the remaining spaces for dialogue in society (institutions) and the Cuban, then the way to deal with extreme situations that are beyond the lower classes of the institution that reduces and / or canceled. Castoriadis's theory, the new company should be flooding the old society to change it over time. But in reality this does not happen that way. (Especially in these peripheral societies like ours.) Prefer to appeal to other theories to explain these dilemmas. Popular culture has less angry spaces and times that statements in the preceding paragraphs. As the language case. Consider, then, anthropophagic-cultural theory of Oswaldo Andrade .. According to Andrade, every culture has a spectrum of more or less comprehensive solvency, including critical areas and light in it. In the midst of the process have not confrontational certain events happened that have affected the national culture. Of the language would be the case in Cuba in five decades. What happens is that there emerged a new linguistic-cultural practice in the last decade of social model is studied to be an instance of instituting to be mobilized by a different logic in politics.]
Finally, there is an instance where the company office in instituting and instituted society face daily in Cuba: collective. It happens that the daily lives of Cubans group travels by bus into a test of authenticity of the social project. Now, it becomes collective interface liberating action of socialism, or simply neocapitalist is an agency of alienation of the human condition of the Cubans? [In my opinion, these forms of collective life in society, such as those new language practices (escritorales) emerging in the decade of 1990 - to be two dimensions of the issue: Social Spaces instituting border between society and the established society, non-confrontational, which move in a long history also affects the model in its entirety. In these areas the magma of social significations Length is revealed.] Norbert Lechner, to analyze the situation in Chile - says: "The keen sense of the stranger as a potential aggressor reflects the weakness of 'us'. Collective identities have lost their anchor material and symbolic, his place is occupied by a home and a shrinkage 'individualism `negative '(Lechner, s / f). [The new class in Cuba check around their properties to be isolated from everyone in society.] The dilemma of the stratification of consumption is a constant of the Cuban regime for five decades. Result of corruption of the system: before the cronyism and now by the lawlessness of it. (Why do not translate the high social capital in Cuba as Cuban life?) The struggle of all against all who promoted the reaction between Cubans - through a system of collective vigilance (CDR), etc. - has led to a feeling of alienation in the population that distance the individual from the collective. ***
Critical Theory / change social.
Summary: knowledge society in the process. State policies, social sciences and popular culture. Expert knowledge / common sense. The management of information in society. The epistemological challenge of change. Knowledge engineering community.
The commitment to a knowledge society in Cuba means a huge challenge (Triana, Torres, Martin, 2005). Above all, as a result of the very low sustainability of the Cuban economic model today. Then, this economic model have hypertrophy of the services sector. In this regard the government's bet seems we feasts. Indeed, Cuba has a strength similar to that of skilled Russia and / or Taiwan. But ... Let us compare two countries are almost equal. On the one hand, the amount of employee ID in Costa Rica, - still below the score on the latter - will be similar in Cuba. On the other hand, is twice the value added that the Cuban tico. Costa Rica means having less skilled labor to Cuba, however, that country has more specialists in positions of ID. Finally, the goods exported by Cuba (82.6%) are low-level technology. (We have an economy open to world market.) However, the index of human development in Cuba (0, 7) is higher than in Costa Rica and / or Chile (0.6). Will collective wealth is for the wellbeing of Cubans with even greater care? It happens that the GDP per capita is those and a half times that of Cuba. This situation is intolerable for the Cuban state. The relationship between state and society reified does obscure the fundamental issue: The severe weakness of the current governance regime. Like all peripheral
Cuban society is contingent on end for two reasons: a) the result of their dependent status in the world system, and b) be an alternative to it. The politics of memory, knowledge and identity of the Cuban State, then, become the main resource to ensure the viability of the project. Therefore, any exercise of power is ready to fulfill this mission. Of course, a personal analysis of the dilemma would reduce everything to the power structures that tend to perpetuate themselves against popular sovereignty. But it is actually more. The new policy of the Cuban state, face a greater impact of ICT on society, will be to activate a policing mechanism for handling them. Now the access to the website is produced by computing nodes that, connected by telephone lines - they all end up jumping into cyberspace from the Capitol of Havana. From a unique point in the middle of the city. Consider, however, that every five years to multiply the knowledge that flows through Internet today. (In 2025 this would happen every 73 days.) Semejaría this device Cuban State defensive heavy armor of the knights of the fifteenth century facing current armored vehicles. Cuban society should be turned into a huge satellite dish. More sensitive side of it will inherit all the information of interest and socialize through autonomous networks. Imagine for a second
changes are needed in Cuban society to make possible this utopia. Cities must be transformed into centers of creativity (Castells, 2001). Cities are now integrated in circuits that are taxed at a system of political domination which reduces them to passivity. Remove the system would only solve half the problem. Because these cities also - from the 1990's - were ascribed to transnational securities (such as tourism economy) that ended up changing their social frameworks and affecting their cultural identities. (Enough to travel to Havana to warn the McDonaldisation of this city cloaked in red and yellow.) The school is acquiring useless knowledge to young people. It is intended only as a provider agency labor inputs to the productive apparatus of society. The creation of new knowledge will be reduced to the study of objects and not thinking critically reality for change. To finish creating a certain image and metaphysics of the existing world, rhetorically, rather than adopt a dialectical view of what happens in it. Unfortunately, there would be a field and / or space in today's society could escape trial by obsolescence that this analysis reveals. Even should be changed to the idea of \u200b\u200bchange. An idea that is related to an idea worse: The idea of \u200b\u200bProgress. [The history of progress is a sham (Thesis 13: Benjamin, 1940).] Synonym authoritarian-statist solution the same discipline, productivity and efficiency.
The other Cuba we imagine would be more free. (Fully open, just say.) happens that a model of society exhausted its potential after closing a historic cycle between 1959 and 2001. Now recalling Walter Benjamin, in this seminar, I confess the idea encourages us to broaden the viewer jumping out of the scientific disciplines, as well as end echándonos on historical and political events that happen today. We believe in a community that learns from his own experiences during the march. We should discard anything that obstructs the expanded reproduction of an open society and libertarian. We would begin by the current social estractificación society that keeps us as small countries with no vision of wholeness. Fractured. Would cross from an egalitarian statism toward a libertarian socialism. The dilemma is how to subvert the structures of sin "by Jean Beltran Aristide.
reaction agents are raised against this utopia. It is they who deny, distort or usurp power memory instituting the grassroots level in the region. They are also those who cancel, dismiss or supplement the knowledge libertarians So these people negotiate their daily lives. Finally, it is they who dented, obstruct or evade the subversive edge of identities that supply the dignity of those. Accomplices of the reaction are official societies, the expert knowledge and cultural industries that produce All amnesia, alienation and suffering insults peripheral societies in the world today. In the specific case of Cuba, these agents of the reaction are the new bourgeois and old bureaucrats who support and benefit from the current status quo. Balance up the welfare state and the new economy.
The capital is in them the allies it needs to maintain the social basis that sustains him. They are the Trojan horse of the capital. The conspiracy theory of the elites (Braudrillard, 2001) against the people is justified in this case. The first destinations are a key enabler for the fortunes of the latter. How to achieve these hounds serve as efficiently to their masters but with the use of political control systems that reduce these people to the wisdom that produced the law of value. The rescue of the heritage of these nations is the main task for the old left who "march for freedom? Disengagement theory (Amin, 1989) is about to be confirmed in the daily struggles of peoples. Since the decolonization of Africa prior to the current Zapatista insurgency, there is an unfulfilled hope of the South. From below, from within. But these left ignored
decisive in this case. Starting from truths already known - as the constructivist theory of Berger and Luckmann (1978) - are economic forms objectification of states of consciousness that also happen to be the subjectivity of such material. We believe that experiential rotation given by the social sciences (eg Le Goff, 1999), also would confirm that the memory, knowledge and identity have become strategic issues for a new left in Cuba. In this sense, the challenges faced by Cuban intellectuals refer to the colonialism of the forms of everyday life of society. The total dilemmas currently in Cuba will be racism, homophobia and elitism. Happen to know the world is to think critically as full details. Of course, it is an intellectual task for not elected. But this implies a radical decolonization of knowledge experts. When CUJAE founded in Cuba (University of Technology), for example, the ancient Creole Academy will feel compelled to change their practice and educational content. But this change did not result in a dialogue of knowledge. Higher education were integrated into a productivist conception of society that blocked the construction of popular political subject. So popular education was entrusted to politicians who retorted social stratification based on the asymmetries of the ancien regime. Definitely the new model remained academic pyramid - authoritarian - as well as his speech did not change. Continue being metaphysical. Still take pleasure in considering the organic intellectuals of a popular revolution that was wrecked.
The dilemma faced by Cubans, now, would be to overcome social practices and structures that were created in the image and likeness of that model of society now exhausted - but whose effects last over time against - and that they can reduce not only the necessary critical distance from what is happening in the country, but also evade the rules of political control over society imposing a police state in order to unleash the initiative of citizens in various walks of life domestic and outside them. Conspires against them the precariousness of their lives, and the heap of paperwork required by the scheme to all. All this undermines opportunities to think critically. As stated in the preface to this essay on Cuba dropped by a mountain of pamphlets that mediocrity their minds to cause paralysis of the body politic of society.
believe in a previous study the historical journey of the leftist forces in Cuba during the last five decades (García, 2007). So there we said: "The power of that State is huge because, above all, has managed to break up the community, something almost unnoticed before the righteous smell the Cuban people, given the fantasy of collective prosperity of those years. As the whole society "grow" at a time, piecemeal, without a vision of wholeness in on itself, creating the collective sense of social justice and popular welfare. " After achieving fracture the society and institute the police state in the 1970's, it was easier for workers to give the pill every Cuban Stalinist without receiving any resistance on their part. The criminal laws had reduced the right of association to offenses that are now only worth the Mafia. The suspect eventually Cubans themselves.
Even now try to collect signatures to encourage discussion of a bill in the Cuban parliament is regarded as enemy activity. The attitudes that violate the law can be tolerated by the regime if it does not compromise the stability. Since then, the power of the case notes and keeps the accounts to every Cuban ... Just in case! Such outrageous things happen how are you: People are afraid to be accused of buying milk powder (illegal) to take their children. And under this situation are 80% of Cubans. Earrings abetting a crime to buy something illegally. Products also has stopped providing the sole provider of goods and services in Cuba: the State. In this context, the political rhetoric and everyday life noses occur. When the boat does not hold water, then the social ills that had led the revolutionary act of overthrowing a tyranny now start at the company omitted to jump fences to go to Palace.
Behind these horror stories is a crucial dilemma for the Cuban nation. This will change civilization as a project that socialism announces. The Cubans must take critical stances toward reality, specifically, to overcome the system of political domination that the workers left him an inheritance. Despotism that cripples society. But more importantly it would build another country. Then Darcy Ribeiro analysis about " Latin American dilemma "becomes today. This mean we are all so unique recontextualize bound Cuban dramas. We are a new people-as Ribeiro (1992b) --. We stand here facing the same challenges as other nations in Latin America, but would not be the same solutions of the consequences of these struggles. We must return to those lessons offered by the stories of popular revolutions in the late 1950: Bolivia, Guatemala and Cuba, from the perspective in question (Guerra, 2010). As noted by Ramon Grosfoguel (Grosfoguel, 2008) with a lot of reason: The critique of modernity makes us forget the colonialism that affects our peripheral societies. This criticism has been commonplace in critical theory. But there is another issue that we must address, according Grosfoguel -. It happens that we confuse the terms: colonialism and coloniality today. The struggles for independence of the nation, given as an official state ideology, it is the best example I could offer on this issue.
The debate on colonialism of the Cuban regime becomes an actuality that makes this issue a central issue within the national agenda. Having done so much against racism in the past, now the Cuban government faces the dilemma that things continue in place of old. (Maybe even worse.) "State policies egalitarian? - Through a process of mimesis - were eventually capitalized by the elite players of the previous regime, not as a class in itself, which had migrated en masse - but as a carrier of a culture of elitism that still survives. Survives primarily thanks to the complicity of the experts. We enjoy the Song of Mio Cid. Poems that gave us textbooks in my childhood. But only now we learn that long before African empires occurred between the stories of knights who were dressed in fine metal mesh and mounted on horses. Still in Cuba today, plans of higher education studies say nothing about the Haitian Constitution of Toussaint L'Overture. Use to understand and advance a radical civilizational change knowledge (Eurocentric) that were objectified in these realities that we now propose to tear down a social revolution, social? Definitely, in this sense, it has had better luck the Cuban Revolution (1959) that the Bolivian (1952). The destination side of the social revolution of Jacobo Arbenz was decided by a historical process expedited. In Cuba, everything has turned more tragic end, for half a century after the Cubans are the same.
among Cubans ask: What other destination awaits us in the XXI century? Because ... Now what matters is the future. On this issue before we have sketched a map of Cuban society. We said we were struggling inward least three Cuba: peripheral capitalist, statist, socialist, libertarian society. We put their actors, areas, etc.. Depending on the dialectic of their struggles, some of those will be set up as a society effectively. Then this new society must play a historical cycle that could be extended, in my opinion - until 2038/2042. Closing this historical cycle is coming to a conclusion the process of forming a greater macroethnicities named Darcy Ribeiro of "American society" (Ribeiro, 1992b). Cuban then we would be integrated into that society. We believe that the years 2010/2012 will be decisive. So much for the world-system to Cuba. Warned in 2001, from Havana, which was opening the world-system into a multi-centered imperialist capitalism such strong autarkic tendencies, and this provides new opportunities to drive forward a strategy of disengagement from left wing systemic renovated. (We had to respect the theory of sub-imperialism of Mauro Marini, who also stood on contextualized reading of the world today.) We say now: the Americas today are saved if you rescue the memories of people, if we open to a dialogue of knowledge and also if we take the masks to the fire of liberty.
Santa Fe, La Habana, Cuba:
June 28, 2010.
E-mail: ramon0260@gmail.com
Bibliography.
Abal Medina, Paula: "Notes on the concept of resistance in Michel de Certeau," in: Kairos, Journal of Social Issues, Year 11 No. 20, November 2007.
Amin, Samir: Disconnecting: towards a polycentric world, Spain: Editorial IEPALA, 1988.
Arendt, Hannah: On Violence, Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 2006.
Augé, Marc: Non-places. Spaces of anonymity. An anthropology of overmodernity, Spain: Gedisa SA, 1992. --------------.
"Overmodernity. Today's world the world of tomorrow "at: http://www.
memoria.com.mc/120/auge.htm Benjamin, Walter: "On the agenda of the coming philosophy", Madrid: Taurus, 1991.
---------------------: "Theses on the Philosophy of History" (1940), in: http://www.archivochile. com /
Berger, Peter, Luckmann, Thomas: The social construction of reality Amourrortu Publishers, 1972.
Braudrillard, Jean: Culture and simulation, Barcelona: Kairos, 2005.
Castells, Manuel: "The city of the new economy", in: Papers on Population, New Era, Year 7 No. 27, January-March 2001.
Carbonell, Walterio: How did the national culture (...)
Castoriadis, Cornelius: "The field of social-historical" (1986), in: http://www.hemerodigital. unam.mx / ANUIES
--------------------------: "Power, politics and autonomy", in: Erogenous Zone No. 14, 1993 .
--------------------------: "The instituting social imaginary", in: Erogenous Zone No. 35, 1997.
Castro, Fidel: "In the evening celebrating the hundred years of struggle, October 10, 1968" in: Speeches (Volume I), Havana: Social Sciences Publishing House, 1976.
Che Guevara, Ernesto "Socialism and Man in Cuba, in: Works, 1957-1967, La Habana: Editorial Casa de las Americas, 1970.
Colombres, Adolfo: transcultural theory of art. Towards an independent visual thinking, Buenos Aires: Ediciones del Sol, 2004.
De Certeau, Michel: L'Invention du quotidien, France: Editions Gallimard, 1990.
Del Valle, Teresa: "Processes of Memory: chronotopes generic", in: La Ventana No.2, 1999.
Fernandez, Frank: Anarchism in Cuba, Madrid: Fundación Anselmo Lorenzo Libertarian Studies, 2000.
Freire, Paulo: Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Mexico DF: Siglo XXI, 1978.
García Guerra, Ramón: "Left and Revolution," in: http://www.kaosenlared.net - November, 2007.
--------------------------: "For a real socialism in Cuba", in: http://www.kaosenlared.net - May, 2010.
Grosfoguel, Ramón: The decolonization of political economy and postcolonial studies. Transmodernity, Border Thinking, and global coloniality, Berkeley: University of California, 2006.
Villaboy Guerra, Sergio: A Brief History of Latin America, Havana: Social Sciences Publishing House, 2006.
Heath, Joseph, Potter, Andrew: Rebel sells. The business of the counterculture, Santillana Ediciones Generales, SL, 2005.
Hinkelammert, Franz J.: Essays, La Habana: Editorial Caminos, 1999.
Ibarra, Ana Carolina: "Between history and memory. Collective memory, identity and experience. Recent discussions ", in: http://www.ignorantismo.free.fr
Jelin, Elizabeth:" Exclusion, memoirs and political struggles ", in: Mato, Daniel (ed.): Culture, politics and society. Latin American Perspectives, Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 2005
Le Goff, Jacques: The order of memory: the time and imagination, Spain: Iberia Polity Press, 1999.
Lechner, Norbert: "Development Challenges Human: Identification and social capital ", in: http://www.ligov.org/pnud/bibliote/revista/revista7/docs/Lechner.htm (s / f).
Martin-Barbero, Jesus: "Media: oblivion and forgetfulness," in: http://www.revistanumero.com
/ 24medios.htm (s / f).
Marx, Carlos: Critique of Hegel's political right, Havana: Social Sciences Publishing House, 1976.
Walsh, Catherine: Interview with Walter Mignolo, "The Geopolitics of Knowledge and coloniality of power", in: Indiscipline social sciences. Geopolitics of knowledge and colonial power. Perspectives from the Andes, edited by C. Walsh, F. Schiwy and S. Castro-Gómez. Quito: UASB / Abya Yala, in press.
Ribeiro, Darcy: The Dilemma of Latin America, Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1992a.
-----------------: The Americas and civilization. Formation process and causes of uneven development of the peoples of the Americas, La Habana: Editorial Casa de las Americas, 1992b
Sabato, Ernesto: Between the letter and the blood: Buenos Aires: Seix Barral, 1992.
Cordoví Triana, Juan; Torres Perez, Ricardo, Martin Fernandez, Mariana, Cuba. Towards a knowledge-based economy
0 comments:
Post a Comment